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AUTHORITARIANISM - RESEARCH ATLASAVtokratija

How the authoritarian system works in Serbia

General research connected to documented examples, findings, and sources from Serbia.

100questions
20areas
148academic works
130Serbia sources
Go to the general AUTLASExplore general mechanisms of authoritarian systems without the Serbia evidence layer.

SIX ENTRIES INTO THE MATRIX

Which question do you want to start with?

Concrete questions are the starting point. The other 94 are available through the map of 20 areas.

MAP OF THE AUTHORITARIAN SYSTEM

Twenty areas guide you through the system as a whole.

Select an area to see why it matters and which five questions it opens.

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WHY THIS AREA MATTERS

How people organize and when protest changes power

The number of people in the street is not the same as the power to change a decision or a government. Organization, a shared goal, persistence, and changed behavior inside the system are also needed.
AVtokratija›How people organize and when protest changes power
81
Research-based answerAUTLAS Research Base

How do those in power prevent their opponents from joining forces?

Confidence in the conclusionwell substantiated
key academic works5
linked Serbia sources6
Period201226

The government uses the fact that its opponents often have different goals, identities and mutual distrust. It can offer one group concession or access to an institution, present another as extreme, expose the third to punishment, and send a message to everyone that their partner will leave them as soon as the risk rises.

Surveillance, infiltration and attacks on the organizers make it even more difficult for people to exchange reliable information and make a binding agreement. Thus, the common interest remains weaker than the fear that someone else will give up first. Resistance therefore requires more than general dissatisfaction: a limited common goal, rules of cooperation and a way to resolve disputes are needed. Even the widest alliance is not automatically successful; if there is no clear agreement on the first steps and behavior after the victory, it can be immediately weakened.

Example from SerbiaChecked connection 6 sources; waiting for saturation pass
6 related sources; Serbia records satellite pass not yet done

People are difficult to unite when the dominant media do not see each other, when the organizers bear the greatest risk, when opposition groups are divided and when work or help depends on the local network. In Serbia, pressures on activists, digital surveillance, attacks on credibility and attempts to present each group as a party or party are added. The goal is not necessarily to put out all dissatisfaction, but to remain scattered and distrustful.

How the finding is separated in the matrix

01Established fact

Reports on civic space, media and digital surveillance document the costs of organizing, and opposition studies show the consequences of fragmentation and poor coordination. The YIHR shows how targeting a regional school increases the risk of connecting young people across the border, while FemPlatz monitors how attacks on privacy and reputation make it difficult, but not necessarily interrupted, for women.

02Our interpretation

The association requires visibility, a secure channel, trust and agreement on the minimum. The government prevents it when it attacks precisely these connections between people.

03Does it show the same process?

Yes multiple sources cover various obstacles, although none alone explains all the failures of the opposition.

04Important caveat or alternative explanation

Oppositional divisions can arise from real ideological and personal conflicts. State pressure reinforces them, but does not relieve the organizers of responsibility for strategy and trust.

What the general answer does not allow us to conclude

Broad association is not always enough. Too large an alliance can lose a common goal, discipline or ability to govern if it wins.

Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.

A01

comparing several countries or cases

Svolik, M. W. (2012), The Politics of Authoritarian Rule, Cambridge University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Svolik shows the basic problem of any authoritarian government: people who are excluded from government can become a serious threat to it if they manage to organize themselves. Therefore, the regime combines repression and co-optation to make it difficult to create a sufficiently large and organized opposition but the book explains more why organized opposition is a problem for the regime than all the concrete ways in which its connection is prevented.
Open source ↗
A02

comparing several countries or cases

Schedler, A. (2013), The Politics of Uncertainty: Sustaining and Subverting Electoral Authoritarianism, Oxford University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Schedler shows that in an electoral autocracy, the struggle is not only for the votes but also for the rules of the political game. The government is trying to keep the opposition weak and divided enough that it cannot easily turn the elections into a real threat, while the opposition is trying to coordinate the protest and the electoral strategy despite these restrictions.
Open source ↗
A03

comparing several countries or cases

Gamboa, L. (2022), Resisting Backsliding: Opposition Strategies against the Erosion of Democracy, Cambridge University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Gamboa shows how much it can help the regime when its opponents manage to narrow the political space or lead them to strategies that isolate them from potential allies. The opposition better preserves the possibility of joint resistance when it chooses goals and methods that can bring together a wider circle of actors and do not give the authorities an easy reason to close the system further.
Open source ↗
A04

comparing several countries or cases

Bunce, V. J. i Wolchik, S. L. (2011), Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries, Cambridge University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Bounce and Wolchik show how dangerous it is for an authoritarian leader when until then separated opposition actors, civil society and election observers connect around a common strategy. It is precisely such coordination that has enabled the opposition in more post-communist cases to turn unfair elections into a real opportunity to change power.
Open source ↗
A05

Explain how the system works

Kuran, T. (1991), „Now Out of Never: The Element of Surprise in the East European Revolution of 1989“, World Politics 44(1): 7–48.

Contribution to this answer
The Koran shows that the government does not have to physically prevent people from meeting to make it difficult for them to come together: if people hide their true opinion because they expect the price of public opposition, each individual sees much less discontent than there really is. Thus, potential allies find it difficult to reveal each other until an event breaks that circle of silence.
Open source ↗

Sources supporting the Serbia example, with the claim they support and their limitations.

S01

Domestic NGO monitoring of civic space - Verified 21.08.2026

Građanske inicijative. 2025. Udruženja građana — sužavanje prostora za delovanje 2024. Beograd: Građanske inicijative.

Civic Initiatives. 2025. Citizens’ Associations narrowing the space for action 2024. Belgrade: Civic Initiatives.

What the source records
Based on the standardized regional matrix and bi-weekly reports, 234 cases of violations of fundamental rights and freedoms were registered, with an increase in physical and verbal attacks and other pressures compared to the previous year.
Claim it supports
The claim that pressure on the organizers, surveillance, media isolation and opposition fragmentation leave dissatisfaction scattered and distrustful.
Source limitation
The records include documented and reported cases, and not a representative rate of all incidents in Serbia, while the organization at the same time has a clear role of protecting the civil space.
Open source ↗
S02

International Organization for Human Rights Forensic Research - Verified 21.08.2026

Amnesty International. 2024. A Digital Prison: Surveillance and the Suppression of Civil Society in Serbia. London: Amnesty International.

What the source records
The report documents cases of unlocking phones and installing spyware during police or security conversations, as well as consequences for civil society.
Claim it supports
The claim that pressure on the organizers, surveillance, media isolation and opposition fragmentation leave dissatisfaction scattered and distrustful.
Source limitation
Forensic findings are strong for the analyzed devices, but the number of cases is not a measure of distribution in the entire population; the authorities have disputed the allegations of illegal work.
Open source ↗
S03

Reviewed scientific work - Verified 21.08.2026

Laštro, Claudia, i Florian Bieber. 2021. “The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans.” European Political Science 20(4): 617–629. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00326-w

Laštro, Claudia, and Florian Bieber. 2021. “The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans.” European Political Science 20(4): 61729. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-0326-w

What the source records
The authors describe Serbia as a case with real opposition and elections, but with the terrain that is structurally tilted in favor of the authorities.
Claim it supports
The claim that pressure on the organizers, surveillance, media isolation and opposition fragmentation leave dissatisfaction scattered and distrustful.
Source limitation
The emphasis is on opposition strategies and regional comparison, not on all parts of the state apparatus.
Open source ↗
S04

Domestic NGOs analysis of the political crisis - Verified 21.08.2026

Belgrade Centre for Security Policy. 2025. Political and Institutional Crisis in Serbia: Possible Scenarios. Belgrade: BCSP.

What the source records
The analysis describes mass mobilization and growing repression, but concludes that the size of the protests does not alone address the issue of organization, choice and division within the government.
Claim it supports
The claim that pressure on the organizers, surveillance, media isolation and opposition fragmentation leave dissatisfaction scattered and distrustful.
Source limitation
Scenario analysis is time-sensitive and does not predict the future; it is based on information available until November 2025.
Open source ↗
S05

Domestic NGOs exploratory qualitative research - Verified 21.08.2026

FemPlatz. 2025. Između megafona i tišine: žene u borbi za promene. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

FemPlatz. 2025. Between megaphone and silence: women in the fight for change. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

What the source records
Shows the costs of organizing women, attacks on privacy and attempts to discredit, but also networks that overcome these costs.
Claim it supports
Gives a concrete example of how the authorities attack the ties needed for association, not just an individual protest request.
Source limitation
The sample is not representative, the research is exploratory, and the database of incidents is not intentionally complete; the findings show patterns and experiences, not their frequency in the entire population.
Open source ↗
S06

Domestic NGOs documented case study - Verified 21.08.2026

Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava. 2026. Dosije Hrvatska II: Proterivanje, targetiranje i drugi primeri kršenja ljudskih prava građana i građanki Hrvatske u Srbiji. Beograd: YIHR Srbija.

Youth Initiative for Human Rights. 2026. File Croatia II: Expulsion, targeting and other examples of violations of human rights of Croatian citizens in Serbia. Belgrade: YIHR Serbia.

What the source records
Shows that declaring a regional school an “instruction” and participants to foreign agents increases the personal risk of regional co-operation.
Claim it supports
Supports the claim that targeting breaks ties between young people and organizations and makes future association difficult.
Source limitation
It documents certain affected persons and the media pattern; it does not show that all foreign citizens are treated equally or that Serbia systematically persecutes its own critics abroad.
Open source ↗

ABOUT US AND OUR METHODOLOGY

Many sources. Clear methodology. Verifiable answers.

AUTLAS is a public knowledge platform about how authoritarian systems work. It turns research findings into clear answers to the questions people ask when trying to understand elections, media, institutions, public resources, pressure, and everyday life in an authoritarian system.

01

Based on academic research

The answers are based on relevant academic research on authoritarian systems, democratic backsliding, institutional capture, and the narrowing of civic rights and freedoms. AUTLAS connects findings from scholarly articles, books, and comparative studies and presents them in language accessible to the wider public.

02

Practice documented in Serbia

AVtokratija is the Serbia case study within AUTLAS. It uses reports, analyses, and data from civil society organizations, independent institutions, professional associations, investigative media, and other relevant sources. General findings and evidence from Serbia are presented separately.

03

Sources open to scrutiny

Each answer lists the sources used. Visitors can check which research, data, and reports underpin the conclusions. The authors of the research and the organizations that collected the data remain clearly credited.

04

Why questions?

Knowledge about authoritarian systems is scattered across scholarly papers, books, databases, and reports. AUTLAS organizes it through 100 questions in 20 areas, so people can start with a phenomenon they recognize and understand the wider system to which it belongs.

05

Focus on the system, not on blaming people

Authoritarian systems change the rules, narrow the range of choices, raise the cost of refusal, and create the impression that nothing can change. AUTLAS therefore analyzes rules, incentives, pressures, and institutional mechanisms - rather than blaming people trying to live and work within such a system.

06

Who is behind AUTLAS?

AUTLAS and AVtokratija were conceived and are being developed by Civic Initiatives. Civic Initiatives is the author and editor of the website and is responsible for topic selection, treatment of sources, and presentation. The content is updated and corrected in line with new research and reliable data.

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