Sources for Serbia

Castaldo, Antonino. 2020. “Back to Competitive Authoritarianism? Democratic Backsliding in Vučić’s Serbia.” Europe-Asia Studies 72(10): 1617–1638. https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1817860

Castaldo, Antonino. 2020. “Back to Competitive Authoritarianism? Democratic Backsliding in Vučić’s Serbia.” Europe-Asia Studies 72(10): 1617–1638 https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1817860

What the source studies or measures

Changing the type of regime in Serbia using V-Dem indicators and dozens of criteria of competitive authoritarianism.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The author concludes that Serbia under Vucic has returned to competitive authoritarianism through gradual rather than abrupt regime change.

Source limitation

The classification depends on the thresholds chosen and the data for the most part precedes the 2020-2025 elections.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it does not draw a conclusion from a single scandal, but checks a wide set of election and institutional indicators and clearly shows how the long pattern differs from the individual bad decision.

Bieber, Florian. 2018. “Patterns of Competitive Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans.” East European Politics 34(3): 337–354. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2018.1490272

Bieber, Florian. 2018. “Patterns of Competitive Authoritarianism in the Western Balkans.” East European Politics 34(3): 337–354 https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2018.1490272

What the source studies or measures

Comparison of old and new patterns of competitive authoritarianism in the Western Balkans, including Serbia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper explains that modern regimes in the region survive through formal elections, weak institutions, informal control and external legitimacy, but are not the same as regimes from the 1990s.

Source limitation

The regional comparison does not provide equally detailed evidence for every institution in Serbia.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it places Serbia in a regional comparison and shows that the authoritarian government can keep elections and the European language, and yet gradually narrow down the real political competition.

Milačić, Filip. 2025. “Democratic Backsliding Through Legislative Capture in Serbia: A One-Man Show.” The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 712(1): 47–60. https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162251316346

Milačić, Filip. 2025. “Democratic Backsliding Through Legislative Capture in Serbia: A One-Man Show.” The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 712(1): 47–60 https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162251316346

What the source studies or measures

How control of parliament and its powers for appointments transfers power from the leader to the wider institutional system.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper claims that the control of parliament has enabled the further takeover of independent institutions and continued democratic backlash since 2012.

Source limitation

Emphasis on the role of one leader can suppress other actors, inherited weaknesses and external incentives.

Why it is worth reading

It’s worth reading because it shows a concrete bridge between personal power and systems: Parliament and its appointments turn a leader’s political dominance into more permanent control over multiple institutions.

Jovanović, Milan. 2022. “Presidentialization of Parliamentarism in Serbia – Causes and Consequences.” Politeja 19(1/76): 345–363. https://doi.org/10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.76.17

Jovanović, Milan. 2022. “Presidentialization of Parliamentarism in Serbia Causes and Consequences.” Politeja 19(1/76): 345–363 https://doi.org/10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.76.17

What the source studies or measures

Why the parliamentary constitutional model in practice gets strong presidential qualities.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

"The paper links presidencialization with the immediate election of the president, weaknesses in constitutional design, proportional elections and oligarchic parties.

Source limitation

It covers a longer period and cannot attribute any change after 2012 to the same cause or to the same actor.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it clearly compares what is written in the constitution to how the government really works and shows why political power can be moved towards the president without a formal change of system.

Ugarković, Uroš. 2023. “What Is Parliamentarism to Populists? The Populist Redefinition of the Concept of Parliamentarism in Parliamentary Debates in Post-Milošević Serbia.” Redescriptions 26(2): 160–175. https://doi.org/10.33134/rds.403

Ugarković, Uroš. 2023. “What Is Parliamentarism to Populists? The Populist Redefinition of the Concept of Parliamentarism in Parliamentary Debates in Post-Milosevic Serbia.” Redescriptions 26(2): 160–175 https://doi.org/10.33134/rds.403

What the source studies or measures

How the meaning of parliament changed in the parliamentary debates before and after the SNS came to power.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The author finds that the centralization of executive power and the weakening of government control are accompanied by an attempt to present parliamentary subordination as normal parliamentaryism.

Source limitation

Analyzing speech and congregational practices, it does not measure the whole regime or all the centers of power.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows that the system is not only changed by laws but also by changing expectations citizens get used to the fact that the assembly confirms decisions rather than the government examines and restricts them.

Stojiljković, Zoran, i Dušan Spasojević. 2018. “Populistički Zeitgeist u ‘proevropskoj’ Srbiji.” Politička misao 55(3): 104–128. https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.04

Stojiljković, Zoran, i Dušan Spasojević. 2018. “Populist Zeitgeist in ‘Pro-European’ Serbia.” Political Thought 55(3): 104–128 https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.04

What the source studies or measures

Ideological and organizational forms of populism in new parties in Serbia, including the SNS.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper shows that populism in Serbia has several forms and can be merged with a broad, ideologically expansive party.

Source limitation

He studies populism and parties, and does not independently prove that the political system is authoritarian.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it accurately explains what populism is in Serbian party life, so it helps us not to automatically confuse it with corruption, mismanagement or authoritarian regime.

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, i Aleksandra Krstić. 2023. “Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons.” Europe-Asia Studies 75(9): 1429–1452. https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700

Vladisavljević, Nebojša, i Aleksandra Krstić. 2023. “Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons.” Europe-Asia Studies 75(9): 1429–1452 https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2149700

What the source studies or measures

The link between populism and competitive authoritarianism through a mixed analysis of 228 political caricatures and their context.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper shows how unequal political match, media freedom and populist personalization are presented together in public criticism of the authorities.

Source limitation

Caricatures are a critical cultural source and cannot replace the direct measurement of institutions or attitudes of the entire population.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows how populism and authoritarian practices can intertwine in the same case, but still analytically separates them instead of using them as synonyms.

Vuković, Danilo, i Bojan Spaić. 2022. “Parallel Normative Reality: The Informal Order of Corruption and Clientelism in Serbia.” Sociologija 64(4): 519–542. https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2204519V

Vuković, Danilo, i Bojan Spaić. 2022. “Parallel Normative Reality: The Informal Order of Corruption and Clientelism in Serbia.” Sociology 64(4): 519–542 https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC2204519V

What the source studies or measures

How corruption and clientelism create informal rules that compete with formal law.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The authors find sufficient evidence for a parallel informal order in which formal rules are violated, while the rules of the loyalty network are maintained.

Source limitation

The finding describes corruption and clientelism; it does not in itself determine the type of regime or show that any illegality is centrally driven.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it explains how corruption ceases to be a series of isolated cases and becomes an informal order, but at the same time preserves the difference between that order and the very definition of authoritarian government.

Vuković, Danilo, i Marija Stefanović. 2024. “Leaving No One Behind: Party Clientelism in Social Welfare in Serbia.” Annals of the Faculty of Law in Belgrade 72(4): 697–722. https://doi.org/10.51204/Anali_PFBU_24404A

Vuković, Danilo, i Marija Stefanović. 2024. “Leaving No One Behind: Party Clientelism in Social Welfare in Serbia.” Annals of the Faculty of Law in Belgrade 72(4): 697–722 https://doi.org/10.51204/Anali_PFBU_24404A

What the source studies or measures

Party patronage and clientelistic networks in social work centres.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Qualitative research shows how party employment and loyalty networks can redirect public service work and create fear and passivity among employees.

Source limitation

Research is in-depth, but sectoral; conclusions cannot be automatically transferred to every public institution.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because on a concrete example it shows how system networks change the day-to-day work of the institution, without the assumption that employees are free or equally responsible for the pressures to which they are exposed.

Dragojlov, Aleksandra. 2026. “Influence of Political Clientelism on Media Freedom under Vučić and the Progressive Party.” Nationalities Papers 54(2): 391–407. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2025.25

Dragojlov, Aleksandra. 2026. “Influence of Political Clientelism on Media Freedom under Vucic and the Progressive Party.” Nationalities Papers 54(2): 391–407 https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2025.25

What the source studies or measures

Gradual political instrumentalization of the media through regulators, subsidies, advertising and ownership relations.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper concludes that subtle mechanisms of indirect control undermined media freedom despite the formal adoption of new laws.

Source limitation

It is focused on the media sector and relies partly on a limited number of professional interviews.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it shows how clientelism can act through seemingly regular subsidies, ads and regulatory bodies, so it becomes clearer why corruption can damage citizens’ ability to control power.

Laštro, Claudia, i Florian Bieber. 2021. “The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans.” European Political Science 20(4): 617–629. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00326-w

Laštro, Claudia, i Florian Bieber. 2021. “The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans.” European Political Science 20(4): 617–629 https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00326-w

What the source studies or measures

How opposition parties operate in competitively authoritarian regimes of Serbia, Montenegro and North Macedonia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The authors describe Serbia as a case with real opposition and elections, but with the terrain that is structurally tilted in favor of the authorities.

Source limitation

The emphasis is on opposition strategies and regional comparison, not on all parts of the state apparatus.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it clearly shows the difference between a closed dictatorship without an actual opposition and a system in which the opposition exists but competes under permanently unequal conditions.

Kakarnias, Theofanis. 2025. “Decoding Serbia’s Democratic Backsliding: EU Conditionality Meets Domestic Realities.” European Political Science 24(3): 293–312. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-025-00518-8

Kakarnias, Theofanis. 2025. “Decoding Serbia’s Democratic Backsliding: EU Conditioning Meets Domestic Realities.” European Political Science 24(3): 293–312 https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-025-00518-8

What the source studies or measures

How domestic factors and the weakened credibility of European conditionality come together to explain the democratic backlash.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Process monitoring indicates that the internal interests, the issue of territorial integrity and the uncertainty of EU membership are mutually reinforcing.

Source limitation

The paper explains part of the cause and the external environment, and does not offer a complete classification of the regime.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows that the gradual weakening of democracy does not have only one domestic cause: the decisions of the authorities operate within a wider environment of incentives, costs and an uncertain European perspective.

Nord, Marina, David Altman, Tiago Fernandes, Ana Good God, i Staffan I. Lindberg. 2026. Democracy Report 2026: Unraveling the Democratic Era? University of Gothenburg: V-Dem Institute, dataset v16.

What the source studies or measures

Hundreds of indicators of elections, freedoms, the rule of law and the limitations of executive power over time.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Regimes of the World measure ranks Serbia 2025 as an electoral autocracy and records an ongoing episode of autocracy.

Source limitation

Categories depend on thresholds and expert assessments; the report itself warns of measurable uncertainty, and RoW typology is not the official position of V-Dem project management bodies.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it allows us to track Serbia through time and compare it with other countries, while openly showing the limits of measurement and warning that one mark cannot replace the overview of individual indicators.

Bertelsmann Stiftung. 2026. BTI 2026 Serbia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung.

Bertelsmann Stiftung. 2026. BTI 2026 Serbia Country Report. Gtersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung.

What the source studies or measures

Elections, rule of law, institutions, governance, economy and political integration in Serbia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

For the first time, BTI places Serbia in a moderate autocracy and assesses that the president and the SNS dominate the government, parliament and judiciary despite the limited constitutional role of the president.

Source limitation

It is a periodic expert assessment with its own methodology, not a peer-reviewed work that isolates a single cause.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it connects elections, institutions, public administration and economy in one place and thus shows how different parts of the system can rely on each other, with clearly stated evaluation methodology.

European Commission. 2025. Serbia 2025 Report. Commission Staff Working Document. Brussels: European Commission.

What the source studies or measures

Functioning of democratic institutions, elections, parliament, administration, judiciary, corruption, media and civil society.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report notes weak election conditions, limited parliamentary scrutiny, strong political pressure on the judiciary and concerns that the president is in practice directing decision-making beyond the constitutional idea.

Source limitation

The report is related to the EU accession process and describes a certain period; it does not represent a scientific causal study or a uniform assessment of the type of regime.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it provides verifiable, sectorally reasoned findings on how specific institutions work in practice, so it allows us to check the general claim on the system in elections, parliament, judiciary, media and civil society.

OSCE/ODIHR. 2024. Republic of Serbia: Early Parliamentary Elections, 17 December 2023 — Election Observation Mission Final Report. Warsaw: OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights.

What the source studies or measures

Legal framework, campaign, media, electoral roll, financing, election day and dispute resolution.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The monitoring mission noted the real choice of political alternatives, but also the decisive participation of the president, the systemic advantages of the government, media bias, pressures and misuse of public resources.

Source limitation

Proves the quality of one electoral process, not independently the entire type of regime or all the events after February 2024.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because at the same time it records what worked in the elections and what made the terrain unfair, so it avoids both exaggeration and minimization of the problem.

Burazer, Nikola. 2024. Serbia: Nations in Transit 2024 Country Report. Washington, DC: Freedom House.

What the source studies or measures

Seven areas of democracy, including elections, media, local government, judiciary, corruption and civil society.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report assesses Serbia as a transitional or hybrid regime and notes a simultaneous decline in electoral conditions, media, local democracy and judicial independence.

Source limitation

The assessments are expert and based on the thresholds of the organization; individual claims should be verified by primary and additional sources.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows the multi-year direction in the same areas and makes it visible when problems arise simultaneously in several institutions, not just in one political episode.

Freedom House. 2026. Freedom in the World 2026: Serbia Country Report. Washington, DC: Freedom House.

What the source studies or measures

Political rights and civil liberties, including elections, pluralism, expression, association and the rule of law.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report assesses Serbia as partially free, with multi-party elections, but with continued pressure on the opposition, the media and civil society and a small real chance for a change of power.

Source limitation

A broad assessment of rights and freedoms does not explain the causes themselves, and the methodology and thresholds are not the same as with V-Dem, BTI or academic typologies.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it shows how the formal existence of elections and parties can stand together with seriously weakened rights and conditions for a real political shift.

Republika Srbija. 2006. Ustav Republike Srbije, Službeni glasnik RS 98/2006, engleski prevod Narodne skupštine.

Republika Srbija. 2006 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, Official Gazette of RS 98/2006, English translation of the National Assembly.

What the source studies or measures

Formal division of legislative, executive and judicial power and constitutional powers of the president, government and assembly.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The Constitution bases the system on balance and mutual control of power; the President expresses state unity, while the Government exercises executive and the Assembly exercises constitutional and legislative power.

Source limitation

The Constitution says that power should be distributed, but it does not show how powers are used in practice.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth opening it before all interpretations because it gives a basic map of formal powers, so only in comparison with the research of practice can you see the difference between the function, the current government and the actual system of power.

CRTA. 2024. Final Election Observation Report – 2023. Beograd: CRTA Election Observation Mission.

CRTA. 2024. Final Election Observation Report 2023. Belgrade: CRTA Election Observation Mission.

What the source studies or measures

Campaign, Election Day, Polling List, Pressures, Media, Public Resources and Conduct of Institutions in Parliamentary and Belgrade Elections 2023.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

CRTA estimates that the elections were not free and fair and recorded serious irregularities in 13% of the polling stations observed in the parliamentary and 21% in the Belgrade elections, with documented pressures, institutional passivity and organized migration of voters.

Source limitation

The finding refers to one election cycle and represents an expert assessment of the domestic observation mission, not a court ruling or independent classification of the entire regime.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it combines observer data with concrete institutional reactions and shows how electoral inequality is produced through multiple related practices, not just through irregularities on the day of voting.

CRTA. 2025. Media Monitoring of Political Pluralism: Government in Focus, Opposition Almost Invisible. Beograd: CRTA.

What the source studies or measures

Representation, tone and role of political actors in the central news shows of RTS 1, Pink, Prva, Happy and B92.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Monitoring finds that more than half of the time intended for political actors went to the president, who had 354 live television broadcasts and almost exclusively neutral or positive treatment.

Source limitation

The sample includes the central news of five national TV stations, but does not measure all media, the entire program offer, the audience or the direct impact of such reporting on voting.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because the figures show how the personal domination of a politician becomes a permanent feature of the media system, without the need to formally ban critical media.

Otvoreni parlament. 2025. Godišnji izveštaj o radu XIV saziva Narodne skupštine, februar 2024 – april 2025. Beograd: CRTA.

Otvoreni parlament. 2025. Annual Report on the work of the XIV Assembly of the National Assembly, February 2024 April 2025. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source studies or measures

The work of the plenum and the committee, the control role of the assembly, parliamentary procedures, the position of the opposition and the attitude towards civic initiatives and independent institutions.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report describes the Assembly under the dominant influence of the executive, with minimal use of oversight mechanisms, systematic ignoring of opposition initiatives and abuse of procedures.

Source limitation

It includes one convocation and one institution, so it cannot explain the entire system itself or determine the motives of every MP and official.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because in concrete parliamentary procedures it shows how an institution can formally exist, and that it is increasingly being checked and limited by the executive power.

Đokić, Katarina, Saša Đorđević, Marija Ignjatijević, Jelena Pejić Nikić i Predrag Petrović. 2020. Security Sector Capture in Serbia – An Early Study. Beograd: Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku.

Đokić, Katarina, Saša Đorđević, Marija Ignjatijević, Jelena Pejić Nikić i Predrag Petrović. 2020. Security Sector Capture in Serbia An Early Study. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.

What the source studies or measures

Mechanisms, actors and consequences of police capture, security and defence services, including parliamentary oversight and financing of the security sector.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The study links a greater number of cases of both primary and secondary sources to show patterns of political control, weakening surveillance and use of security institutions in the interest of the ruling structure.

Source limitation

Authors expressly present it as an early and sectoral study; it does not measure each institution or prove that each individual procedure is centrally ordered.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it shows how individual scandals can be linked into a verifiable institutional pattern, but at the same time it clearly limits the conclusion to the sector that has really been investigated.

Pejić Nikić, Jelena, i Predrag Petrović. 2024. How to Unbind the State Capture in Serbia? Towards Security Institutions and Foreign Policy in the Service of Citizens. Beograd: Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku. https://doi.org/10.55042/ZHSW9821

Pejić Nikić, Jelena, i Predrag Petrović. 2024. How to Unbind the State Capture in Serbia? Towards Security Institutions and Foreign Policy in the Service of Citizens. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy https://doi.org/10.55042/ZHSW9821

What the source studies or measures

How captured security institutions and foreign policy maintain the existing order and what institutional changes would be needed to break the knot.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report concludes that the structures in the police, services, military and surveillance system help to maintain the captured state and that the change requires more than one person to be replaced.

Source limitation

The work starts from the concept of the captured state and is aimed at security and recommendations for reform, so its framework should be read together with wider and methodologically different sources.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows most directly why the leader, the current government and the system are not the same and what links between institutions would have to be changed in order for a personal shift to become a systemic change.

Koalicija prEUgovor. 2025. Alarm Report on Progress of Serbia in Cluster 1 – May 2025. Beograd: prEUgovor.

What the source studies or measures

Political criteria, judiciary, basic rights, fight against corruption, police and other areas of Chapters 23 and 24 through joint monitoring of seven domestic organizations.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report documents the simultaneous concentration of power, institutional abuses, pressures on the judiciary, selective fight against corruption, media control and repression against critics, with very few reforms implemented.

Source limitation

It is the semi-annual report of the coalition with a clear reform and advocacy role, so its evaluations should be checked through the above examples, documents and sources for each area.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because in one place it connects events that we normally follow separately and allows to check whether the same pattern simultaneously affects the judiciary, police, corruption, media and basic rights.

Beogradski centar za ljudska prava. 2026. Human Rights in Serbia 2025. Urednik Dušan Pokuševski. Beograd: Beogradski centar za ljudska prava.

Beogradski centar za ljudska prava. 2026. Human Rights in Serbia 2025. Editor Dušan Pokuševski. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Human Rights.

What the source studies or measures

Legal framework and implementation of human rights in practice, with special emphasis on protests, police treatment, media, activists, civil society, education and academic community.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The twenty-eighth annual report documents systemic pressures and violations of rights in 2025 and brings together data from institutions and sectoral organisations on the prosecution of protest participants and incidents towards journalists.

Source limitation

The report follows the rights and institutional treatment, not the type of regime; part of the numerical data is taken from state authorities and other organizations and should be read with their original records.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it provides a legal framework and a large collection of verifiable events from the same year, so you can see the difference between a formally guaranteed right and the way it is realized in practice.

Građanske inicijative. 2025. Udruženja građana — sužavanje prostora za delovanje 2024. Beograd: Građanske inicijative.

Građanske inicijative. 2025. Citizens’ Associations narrowing the space for action 2024. Belgrade: Civic Initiatives.

What the source studies or measures

Freedom of association, expression and assembly, financial sustainability of organizations and the attitude of authorities towards civil society, with systematic examples from practice.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Based on the standardized regional matrix and bi-weekly reports, 234 cases of violations of fundamental rights and freedoms were registered, with an increase in physical and verbal attacks and other pressures compared to the previous year.

Source limitation

The records include documented and reported cases, and not a representative rate of all incidents in Serbia, while the organization at the same time has a clear role of protecting the civil space.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it systematically preserves concrete cases that would be easily lost in the general assessment and shows how the pressure on citizens and organizations is repeated through different institutions and environments.

Đorđević, Miloš, i Nemanja Nenadić. 2023. Civil Society Report on the Implementation of UNCAC Chapters II and V in Serbia. Beograd: Transparentnost Srbija i UNCAC Coalition.

Đorđević, Miloš, i Nemanja Nenadić. 2023. Civil Society Report on the Implementation of UNCAC Chapters II and V in Serbia. Belgrade: Transparency Serbia and UNCAC Coalition.

What the source studies or measures

Anti-corruption policies, public sector, political financing, conflict of interest, public procurement, access to information, judiciary, prosecution and property recovery.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Based on regulations, organ reports, eight requests for access to information, consultations and documented cases, the authors find a broad formal framework, but a significantly larger problem in the ineffective or selective application of the rules.

Source limitation

The report is thematically related to UNCAC and ends in mid-2023, so it does not specify the type of regime or cover later development and all forms of political control.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it accurately separates the existence of laws from their application and thus shows when corruption becomes a systemic problem of control, supervision and accountability.

Transparentnost Srbija. 2024. Povećanje nesrazmere među akterima, procena ukupne vrednosti kampanje i preliminarni izveštaji: monitoring izbora 2023. Beograd: Transparentnost Srbija.

Transparentnost Srbija. 2024. Increase of disproportion among stakeholders, estimate of total campaign value and preliminary reports: monitoring of elections 2023. Belgrade: Transparency Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Public resources, official campaign, expenses and reports of political entities, television advertising and the conduct of supervisory bodies.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Monitoring records the promotion of the list of authorities with public resources, intensive official campaign, lack of timely reaction of competent authorities and estimates that the allowed immediate costs of the campaign were not less than 20 million euros.

Source limitation

It is a preliminary and narrowly thematic report for a single campaign; part of the conclusions are estimates and arguments for doubts, not legally determined infringements.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because on concrete cash flows, public resources and decisions of supervisory authorities shows how the function of the president, the interest of the party and the electoral advantage can be combined.

Cvijić, Srđan. 2018. When Law Doesn’t Rule: State Capture of the Judiciary, Prosecution, Police in Serbia. Open Society European Policy Institute, Transparentnost Srbija i CINS.

Cvijić, Srđan. 2018. When Law Doesn’t Rule: State Capture of the Judiciary, Prosecution, Police in Serbia. Open Society European Policy Institute, Transparency Serbia and CINS.

What the source studies or measures

Political control of the judiciary, prosecution and police through appointments, discretion, media information, statistics, direct influence and non-functional investigations.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The study identifies seven mechanisms of political control and presents them through 12 detailed case studies from Serbia.

Source limitation

Cases precede recent institutional changes and cannot prove that every action today is politically controlled, but they provide an important early point for monitoring continuity.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows how from individual cases comes to a cautious conclusion about the mechanism, instead of declaring every bad decision as evidence of the capture of the state in advance.

Milosavljević, Ivana, Teodora Ćurčić i Vladimir Kostić. 2023. CINS Inside SNS’s Call Center: Hostess Agency, Vote Buying, and Millions in Cash. Beograd: CINS.

Milosavljević, Ivana, Teodora Ćurčić i Vladimir Kostić. 2023. CINS Inside SNS’s Call Center: Hostess Agency, Vote Buying, and Millions in Cash. Belgrade: CINS.

What the source studies or measures

Organization of the party col-centre through direct, covert journalistic observation, documents, messages, photos, conversations and publicly available data.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

CINS journalist documented firsthand the work of a large col-centre, cash payments and job offer related to voting, which raises suspicions of vote buying, illegal financing and misuse of personal data.

Source limitation

The investigation documents one operation and serious doubts, but it is not a court epilogue or proof that the same practice is being carried out everywhere or that each participant knew the full purpose of the system.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because abstract concepts such as clientelism and misuse of data turn into a verifiable series of concrete actions, and at the same time leaves open what is yet to be determined by institutions.

Nikolić, Jovana, i Ivana Milosavljević. 2023. People Brought to SNS Rally by Vehicles of State Institutions. Beograd: CINS.

Nikolić, Jovana, i Ivana Milosavljević. 2023. People Brought to SNS Rally by Vehicles of State Institutions. Belgrade: CINS.

What the source studies or measures

Use of vehicles of public companies, institutions, cities and municipalities for the transport of participants of the party meeting, with field observation, documents and statements of those responsible.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

CINS has documented at least eight vehicles owned by public institutions and collected conflicting or incomplete answers on the legal basis and payment of their use.

Source limitation

It is a single gathering, and contracts and responsibility are not finally established in all cases, so the findings show the basis for control, not independently proof of the entire political system.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it clearly shows what it is like to erase the border between public resources and party interest in a verifiable event, without turning that event into evidence for all institutions.

Ćurčić, Teodora. 2024. Party Funds Database: SNS, the Financially Strongest Political Party in Serbia. Beograd: CINS.

Ćurčić, Teodora. 2024. Party Funds Database: SNS, the Financially Strongest Political Party in Serbia. Belgrade: CINS.

What the source studies or measures

Reported revenues and expenditures of 40 political parties and groups of citizens over nine years, with a special analysis of budget financing, assets and advertising.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The base shows that the SNS received about 49.2 million euros from the regular work budget, more than 38 other actors spent together for the same purpose, and reported a total of about 76.1 million euros in revenue.

Source limitation

The data show reported finances and a large imbalance, but part of the difference is due to the election results and current rules, while unreported or illegal flows by definition are not fully visible in the database.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because in the long run it measures the material imbalance between parties and helps to distinguish between what is due to legal financing and what requires additional investigation into possible abuse.

CRTA. 2026. A Decade of Election Observation: Is Everything the Same, Worse, or Better? Beograd: CRTA.

What the source studies or measures

Ten years of domestic election observation and changes in pressures on voters, vote buying, electoral roll, public resources, official campaign and media environment.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“The synthesis concludes that the key electoral problems have not been solved and that many have deepened, with a ten-year deletion of the border between the state and the ruling party.

Source limitation

It is a short institutional retrospective, not a new methodological report; the claims should be checked in the individual election reports on which the synthesis is based.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it summarizes a long series of the same method of monitored election cycles and helps to distinguish gradual erosion from one disputed choice or one sudden change.

Pavlović, Dušan. 2020. “The Political Economy Behind the Gradual Demise of Democratic Institutions in Serbia.” Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 20(1): 19–39. https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2019.1672929

Pavlović, Dušan. 2020. “The Political Economy Behind the Gradual Demise of Democratic Institutions in Serbia.” Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 20(1): 19–39 https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2019.1672929

What the source studies or measures

How the unfinished institutional design and political control of public resources opened up the space for a later democratic decline.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The work links the weakening of democracy with the rules and economic incentives that enable the authorities to turn public resources into a political advantage.

Source limitation

It is a causal interpretation of a long process; it does not cover developments beyond 2019 and does not exclude other explanations.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it shows why democracy can weaken without abolishing elections: political control of money, jobs and institutions is gradually changing the game itself.

Beširević, Violeta. 2014. “Governing Without Judges: The Politics of the Constitutional Court in Serbia.” International Journal of Constitutional Law 12(4): 954–979. https://doi.org/10.1093/icon/mou065

Beširević, Violeta. 2014. “Governing Without Judges: The Politics of the Constitutional Court in Serbia.” International Journal of Constitutional Law 12(4): 954–979 https://doi.org/10.1093/icon/mou065

What the source studies or measures

The conduct of the Constitutional Court of Serbia in the most politically sensitive disputes after Milosevic.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper finds that the Court often chose caution and formalism in key disputes, so it did not become a strong defence of political power, even though it was formally independent.

Source limitation

The analysis ends before the latest judicial reforms and relates primarily to the Constitutional Court, not to all courts and prosecutions.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it explains how a court can have independence on paper, yet avoid decisions that would really limit power.

Bursać, Dejan, i Dušan Vučićević. 2021. “Election Boycott in a Hybrid Regime: The Case of 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia.” East European Politics and Societies and Cultures 35(2): 437–460. https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X211009106

Bursać, Dejan, i Dušan Vučićević. 2021. “Election Boycott in a Hybrid Regime: The Case of 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Serbia.” East European Politics and Societies and Cultures 35(2): 437–460 https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X211009106

What the source studies or measures

Why part of the opposition boycotted the 2020 elections and what short-term consequences the decision produced.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The authors find that the boycott without strong external support did not compromise the legitimacy of the government and that the election result further strengthened the ruling party.

Source limitation

The work assesses the short-term consequences of a boycott; it does not prove that going out or boycotting is always a better strategy.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading it because on a concrete Serbian case it shows that boycott is not a moral gesture with a known outcome, but a strategy whose result depends on wider support and power relations.

Vladisavljević, Nebojša. 2016. “Competitive Authoritarianism and Popular Protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milošević.” International Political Science Review 37(1): 36–50. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512114535450

Vladisavljević, Nebojša. 2016. “Competitive Authoritarianism and Popular Protest: Evidence from Serbia under Milošević.” International Political Science Review 37(1): 36–50 https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512114535450

What the source studies or measures

Major protest waves in Serbia under Milosevic and their attitude towards institutions, elites and regime change.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“The work shows that the protest can force concessions and open the regime crisis, but that different protest waves have different outcomes and only in 2000 there was a change of regime.

Source limitation

Analyzing Serbia in the 1990s; the mechanisms are not automatically the same in today’s institutional, technological and international environment.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it compares several large protests in the same country and clearly shows why the number of people on the street alone is not enough.

Binnendijk, Anika Locke, i Ivan Marović. 2006. “Power and Persuasion: Nonviolent Strategies to Influence State Security Forces in Serbia (2000) and Ukraine (2004).” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39(3): 411–429. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.06.003

Binnendijk, Anika Locke, i Ivan Marović. 2006. “Power and Persuasion: Nonviolent Strategies to Influence State Security Forces in Serbia (2000) and Ukraine (2004).” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39(3): 411–429 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.06.003

What the source studies or measures

How nonviolent movements have tried to reduce the willingness of the police and military to apply repression.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The Serbian movement has combined personal contacts, public messages, discipline and increasing the political price of repression to encourage neutrality or defection of parts of the apparatus of force.

Source limitation

“The case study does not mean that the same tactic will work against every apparatus of force, nor that the fall of 2000 had only one cause.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows that the attitude of the police towards the protest is not immutable: the organization of the protest can influence how the officials see the order, the risk and their own future.

Petrović, Valentina. 2025. “Under Pressure: The Politics of Clientelism and Coercion in Serbia.” Democratization, online first: 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2025.2520349

Petrović, Valentina. 2025. “Under Pressure: The Politics of Clientelism and Coercion in Serbia.” Democratization, online first: 1–26 https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2025.2520349

What the source studies or measures

Who in Serbia notices clientelism and political pressure, based on the original survey conducted in 2024.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper shows that the exchange of services and coercion is intertwined and that the exposure depends on local political and economic competition, employment and social position.

Source limitation

Measures of experience and observation in one year; cannot verify each reported practice as a single legal case.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because on a more representative basis it checks what field reports describe through testimonies: where the service turns into an obligation and the support into pressure.

Cvejić, Slobodan. 2016. “On Inevitability of Political Clientelism in Contemporary Serbia.” Sociologija 58(2): 239–252. https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602239C

Cvejić, Slobodan. 2016. “On Inevitability of Political Clientelism in Contemporary Serbia.” Sociology 58(2): 239–252 https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602239C

What the source studies or measures

Informal links between political and economic elites and their reliance on party networks and public resources.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper describes clientelist networks that connect party tops, economy, public sector and voters in a weak institutional environment.

Source limitation

It is based on qualitative interviews and theoretical synthesis; it does not measure the frequency of every practice in the entire population.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it shows that a party connection is not just a private service between two people, it can be a link in a wider network that distributes jobs and public resources.

Đureinović, Jelena. 2023. “Marching the Victorious March: Populism and Memory Appropriation of the Yugoslav Partisans in Today’s Serbia.” Nationalities Papers 51(6): 1250–1262. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2022.50

Đureinović, Jelena. 2023. “Marching the Victorious March: Populism and Memory Appropriation of the Yugoslav Partisans in Today’s Serbia.” Nationalities Papers 51(6): 1250–1262 https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2022.50

What the source studies or measures

How the state in Serbia changes the official memory of the Second World War through commemorations, documents and media narratives.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The paper finds that since 2012, the government has been taking over and merging various historical symbols into a populist story of heroism and sacrifice that helps modern political legitimacy.

Source limitation

It studies the official policy of remembrance, not showing how every citizen accepts or rejects these messages.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows at specific commemorations that the government is not only in control of the current news, but also of the framework through which society interprets the past.

Aleksov, Bojan, i Nicholas Lackenby. 2023. “‘Symphonia’? A New Patriarch Attempts to Redefine Church–State Relations in Serbia.” Comparative Southeast European Studies 71(4): 578–600. https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2023-0039

Aleksov, Bojan, i Nicholas Lackenby. 2023. “‘Symphonia’? A New Patriarch Attempts to Redefine ChurchState Relations in Serbia.” Comparative Southeast European Studies 71(4): 578–600 https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2023-0039

What the source studies or measures

Relations between the Serbian Orthodox Church and the state after the election of Patriarch Porfiri.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The authors show close cooperation between the Church and the state leadership, but also tensions and borders, so they do not reduce the Church to a simple addition of power.

Source limitation

Study the top of institutions and public events for a limited period; it does not represent the views of all believers, bishops or priests.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it avoids two easy mistakes: it does not represent the church as completely independent of politics, nor does it represent the religious community as one obedient whole.

Spoerri, Marlene. 2010. “Crossing the Line: Partisan Party Assistance in Post-Milošević Serbia.” Democratization 17(6): 1108–1131. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2010.520550

Spoerri, Marlene. 2010. “Crossing the Line: Party Assistance in Post-Milosevic Serbia.” Democratization 17(6): 1108–1131 https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2010.520550

What the source studies or measures

International assistance to the parties in the demolition of Milosevic and the construction of the party system after 2000.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“The paper shows that external aid can strengthen the opposition and change of power, but also that open alignment with individual parties carries long-term problems for domestic legitimacy.

Source limitation

A study of one period and one form of aid does not provide a general recipe for today’s support for democracy.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because the Serbian case is used for a sober question: how to help democratic change without the external actor replacing the domestic voters.

Fagan, Adam, i Natasha Wunsch. 2019. “Fostering Institutionalisation? The Impact of the EU Accession Process on State–Civil Society Relations in Serbia.” Acta Politica 54(4): 607–624. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41269-018-0093-1

Fagan, Adam, i Natasha Wunsch. 2019. “Fostering Institutionalisation? The Impact of the EU Accession Process on State–Civil Society Relations in Serbia.” Acta Politica 54(4): 607–624 https://doi.org/10.1057/s41269-018-0093-1

What the source studies or measures

How the EU accession process changes relations between the state and civil society organizations in Serbia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The work finds more formal channels of consultation, but limited actual institutionalization and poor opportunity for civil society to influence decisions.

Source limitation

The focus is on EU consultations and selected organisations, not on the entire civil society or on events after 2017.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it shows the difference between the organization being invited to a meeting and the fact that its vote really changes the decision.

Krstić, Ivana, i Marko Davinić. 2021. “Serbia: Legal Response to Covid-19.” U: The Oxford Compendium of National Legal Responses to Covid-19. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/law-occ19/law-occ19-e7

Krstić, Ivana, i Marko Davinić. 2021. “Serbia: Legal Response to Covid-19.” In: The Oxford Compendium of National Legal Responses to Covid-19. Oxford University Press https://doi.org/10.1093/law-occ19/law-occ19-e7

What the source studies or measures

Constitutional and legal basis of the state of emergency, limitations of rights, work of parliament and judicial control during the pandemic.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The study shows that urgent decisions in Serbia were made with a weak parliamentary role and more contentious issues of legality and proportionality.

Source limitation

Legal analysis assesses norms and procedures, but does not measure their social and political consequences.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it precisely separates a justified urgent measure from the problem that arises when the executive power suppresses parliament and judicial control.

Ejdus, Filip. 2010. Democratic Security Sector Governance in Serbia. PRIF Report No. 94. Frankfurt: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt. ISBN 978-3-942532-04-4.

What the source studies or measures

Democratic and civil control of the army, police and services from Milosevic to post-October reforms.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report shows that formal reform after 2000 has progressed unevenly and that political influence, weak accountability and old networks remain important problems.

Source limitation

The period ends before the SNS comes to power, so it is used for heritage and transition, not for assessing the current state of affairs.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it shows why changing leaders is not the same as changing police, military, and intelligence habits.

European Policy Centre (CEP). 2023. The Neverending Story of Senior Civil Service Depoliticisation in Serbia. Belgrade: CEP.

What the source studies or measures

Appointment of acting officers and political influence in the highest official positions.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

At the end of 2021, officials accounted for 52% of the highest official positions, so temporary appointments became a common way of retaining political control.

Source limitation

Follows the top of the state administration until 2021 and does not show that every acting person is unskilled or politically obedient.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because behind the technical expression “doer of duty” shows a simple power relationship: a man who is constantly waiting for a new extension is harder to refuse a political request.

WeBER 2.0 / European Policy Centre. 2023. Western Balkan PAR Monitor 2021/2022. Belgrade: European Policy Centre.

WeBER 2.0 / European Policy Centre. 2023. Western Balkans PAR Monitor 2021/2022. Belgrade: European Policy Centre.

What the source studies or measures

Professionalism of administration, openness, accountability, public finances and services to citizens in six countries of the Western Balkans.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

For Serbia, there are persistent gaps between formal reform and the experience of citizens and officials, especially in employment, transparency and accountability.

Source limitation

The regional methodology gives a comparison, but does not explain every institution or every bad result with political pressure.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because the administration looks at it from the point of view of the citizen: it is not enough that there is a reform strategy if employment, information and services are still unpredictable.

Transparentnost Srbija. 2024. Indeks transparentnosti lokalne samouprave LTI 2024. Beograd: Transparentnost Srbija.

Transparentnost Srbija. 2024. Transparency index of local self-government LTI 2024. Belgrade: Transparency Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Publicly available data, budgets, public procurements, enterprises and citizen participation in all 145 local self-governments.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The average score was 52 out of 100, half of the local authorities were regressed, and public companies and institutions remained among the least transparent areas.

Source limitation

The index measures the availability of predefined information and procedures; it does not in itself prove corruption or political control behind any deficiency.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it compares all 145 cities and municipalities on the same scale and shows where the citizen can really, and where he can not see who decides and how the money is spent.

Transparentnost Srbija. 2024. Public Enterprises — A Symbol of Abuses and Violation of the Law. Belgrade: Transparency Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Appointment of managers, business, transparency and use of resources of public companies.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The analysis describes the long-term circumvention of competition for directors, political ties in governance, poor transparency and risks of using public resources for party needs.

Source limitation

Anti-corruption analysis identifies risks and documented irregularities, but does not prove the criminal responsibility of every manager or company.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows how a public company can remain formally state-owned, and practically depend on people who control appointments and extend mandates.

CRTA. 2023. Mreža političkih pritisaka u centrima za socijalni rad. Beograd: CRTA.

CRTA. 2023. Network of political pressures in centers for social work. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source studies or measures

Experience of employees and users of social work centres on party pressures and exchange of services.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Testimonials describe centers as points in a hierarchical network in which business, contract and assistance can be linked to political loyalty and electoral mobilization.

Source limitation

The sample is qualitative and anonymous; the findings reveal mechanisms and patterns, but do not measure their frequency in all centers.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because the general term “pressure on voters” translates into everyday situations in which a person evaluates whether a vote will cause him to lose his job, contract or help.

CRTA. 2022. Preliminarni izveštaj o izbornom nasilju i korupciji. Beograd: CRTA.

CRTA. 2022. Preliminary report on electoral violence and corruption. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source studies or measures

Pressure on voters, vote buying, party recruitment and vulnerable groups through 58 in-depth interviews.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report describes repeated patterns of reward and punishment towards fixed-term employees, party members, poor and other dependent groups.

Source limitation

The deliberate and “snowball” pattern is not representative and the statements are not the same as the legally established facts in any case.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows that pressure rarely seems like an open command behind the screen; it is more often built much earlier through addiction, debt and fear of consequences.

Inicijativa A 11. 2025. Evropska komisija ponovo usvojila komentare Inicijative A 11: sporan algoritam Socijalne karte i druga kršenja socijalnih prava. Beograd: A 11.

Inicijativa A 11. 2025. The European Commission has again adopted the comments of Initiative A 11: the controversial algorithm of the Social Map and other violations of social rights. Belgrade: A 11.

What the source studies or measures

Application of the Social Card algorithm, legal remedies and consequences for beneficiaries of social assistance.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“A 11 states that nearly 60,000 people lost their aid in three years and points to a non-transparent algorithm, insufficient reasoning, and poor ability to appeal effectively.

Source limitation

The organization represents social rights and publication summarises its findings and comments of the European Commission; the number and causality should also be checked through official administrative data.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows how a decision made by software can guess a fundamental right without a person knowing which data it is classified by and by whom to explain the error.

Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS). 2026. NUNS retrospektiva 2025: godina u kojoj je pritisak postao sistem. Beograd: NUNS.

Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS). 2026. NUNS retrospective 2025: the year in which pressure became a system. Belgrade: NUNS.

What the source studies or measures

Physical attacks, threats, pressures, labour law measures and institutional responses to journalists in 2025

Main finding relevant to Serbia

NUNS recorded 371 cases, including 113 physical attacks and 165 threats, along with legal, economic and digital forms of pressure.

Source limitation

The register depends on the reported and documented cases, it can overlap with other databases and does not measure the experience of every journalist.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it shows a whole range of pressure from physical assault to dismissal, lawsuit and online threat and therefore explains why a formal media ban is not necessary.

Asocijacija medija, AOM, NDNV, NUNS, Lokal pres i Slavko Ćuruvija fondacija. 2023. Strategija razvoja medijskog sistema Srbije (2020–2025) i njena implementacija: saznanja, stavovi i predlozi medijskih radnika. Beograd.

Asocijacija medija, AOM, NDNV, NUNS, Lokal pres i Slavko Ćuruvija fondacija. 2023. Strategy of development of media system of Serbia (2020-2025) and its implementation: findings, attitudes and proposals of media workers. Belgrade.

What the source studies or measures

Experiences of media workers with financing, REM, public services, labor rights and implementation of the Media Strategy.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Respondents describe the gap between formal rules and implementation, political influence through financing and regulators, as well as low confidence in the institutions of protection of media freedom.

Source limitation

The sample of media workers and interviews do not represent all the newsrooms or the entire audience; they find measures of experience and attitudes of the professional community.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it shows what the same law looks like for those who try to get public money on a daily basis, protection of regulators and the right to regulate the program without political punishment.

SHARE Foundation. 2026. Digital Forensics Tools: Legal Framework Analysis — Serbia. Belgrade: SHARE Foundation.

SHARE Foundation. 2026. Digital Forensics Tools: Legal Framework Analysis Serbia. Belgrade: SHARE Foundation.

What the source studies or measures

Legal basis for unlocking and copying phone content and the use of forensic tools in Serbia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The analysis concludes that Serbian law does not provide grounds for the use of digital forensic tools outside the criminal proceedings or without a court order.

Source limitation

Legal analysis determines what is allowed, and it can not prove on its own who in each individual case ordered or conducted illegal surveillance.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it brings back complex technology to a simple question: who is allowed to take the contents of the phone, in what procedure and with whose permission.

Komitet pravnika za ljudska prava — YUCOM. 2024. YUCOM 2022–2024, godišnji izveštaj br. 11–12. Beograd: YUCOM.

What the source studies or measures

Access to justice, judicial independence, undue influence, free legal aid and selected representation cases.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report documents the gap between judicial reforms and citizens’ experience, the pressure on independence and the obstacles for vulnerable groups to receive effective legal protection.

Source limitation

It is the report of the organization that provides legal aid and advocates reforms; the choice of cases is not representative for all courts and all disputes.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because the judiciary looks at it from two perspectives: how the rules are reformed and what a citizen can really do when his right is violated.

CRTA i Democracy Action Lab. 2026. Veruju u demokratiju, ne veruju u vlast: istraživanje javnog mnjenja u Srbiji. Beograd: CRTA.

CRTA i Democracy Action Lab. 2026. They believe in democracy, they do not believe in government: public opinion research in Serbia. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source studies or measures

Support for democracy, trust in institutions and evaluation of the functioning of the political system.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Six out of ten citizens consider democracy the best system, but the same share estimates that democracy in Serbia does not work; trust in the main political institutions is about one-third.

Source limitation

The survey measures attitudes at a time of great political mobilization and cannot explain on its own why people support different, sometimes contradictory values at the same time.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it breaks down the shortcut that discontent with institutions means rejecting democracy: citizens can want democracy and at the same time believe they don’t have it.

CRTA. 2025. Raste nezadovoljstvo vlašću; natpolovična podrška studentima. Beograd: CRTA.

CRTA. 2025. Growing dissatisfaction with the government; above-half support for students. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source studies or measures

Support for student protests, trust in actors and attitudes about accountability and political change.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

After five months of protests, 59% of respondents continued to support students and protests, showing broad support that cannot be reduced to the core of opposition parties.

Source limitation

One poll does not measure the organizational capacity of the protest, nor does it predict whether support will produce institutional or electoral change.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it distinguishes the popularity of the protest from its power to change power two things that are often misaligned in public debate.

Koalicija prEUgovor. 2020. Alarm izveštaj: napredak Srbije u poglavljima 23 i 24, sa posebnim osvrtom na vanredno stanje. Beograd: prEUgovor.

Koalicija prEUgovor. 2020. Alarm report: Serbia’s progress in chapters 23 and 24, with special reference to the state of emergency. Belgrade: prEUgovor.

What the source studies or measures

The impact of the state of emergency on parliament, the rule of law, the police, the judiciary, the media and fundamental rights.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report deals with the declaration of a state of emergency without a parliamentary session, the rapid change of rules and limited control of the executive power.

Source limitation

It was created in the middle of the crisis, so some consequences and later court outcomes were not yet known.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it records decisions as they are made and shows how difficult it is to regain control when the urgency is suppressed by parliament, public debate and regular procedure.

Transparency Serbia. 2024. Assessing Political Integrity Rules in Serbia. Belgrade: Transparency Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Property cards, conflict of interest, policy financing, lobbying and public procurement.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Analysis finds important basic registers and rules, but also poor reporting, supervision and holes that leave room for favoritism and impunity.

Source limitation

The assessment of the rules and their application determines the institutional risks, not the guilt of the person concerned without due process.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows that the existence of a registry, commission or law is not the end of the story: it is crucial what has to be reported, who checks and what happens when the rule is broken.

Belgrade Centre for Security Policy. 2025. Political and Institutional Crisis in Serbia: Possible Scenarios. Belgrade: BCSP.

What the source studies or measures

Student protests, institutional blockade, repression, possible elections and exit scenarios.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The analysis describes mass mobilization and growing repression, but concludes that the size of the protests does not alone address the issue of organization, choice and division within the government.

Source limitation

Scenario analysis is time-sensitive and does not predict the future; it is based on information available until November 2025.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it separates what the protest has already changed from what still has to happen for social energy to become institutional change.

Amnesty International. 2024. A Digital Prison: Surveillance and the Suppression of Civil Society in Serbia. London: Amnesty International.

What the source studies or measures

Forensic analysis of phones and testimonies of activists and journalists about the use of Cellebrite tools, Pegasus and domestic NoviSpy software.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The report documents cases of unlocking phones and installing spyware during police or security conversations, as well as consequences for civil society.

Source limitation

Forensic findings are strong for the analyzed devices, but the number of cases is not a measure of distribution in the entire population; the authorities have disputed the allegations of illegal work.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it does not remain suspicious of surveillance: it connects traces on devices, the course of police conduct and human consequences the fear that every contact or plan is visible to the authorities.

Citizen Lab. 2021. Pegasus vs. Predator: Dissident’s Doubly-Infected iPhone Reveals Cytrox Mercenary Spyware. Toronto: Munk School, University of Toronto.

What the source studies or measures

Technical analysis of commercial Predator spy software and scanning its infrastructure.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Scans have listed Serbia among the likely users of Predator infrastructure, showing the international market of tools that give countries secret surveillance capabilities.

Source limitation

The network infrastructure indicates a likely user, but it does not prove itself who used the tool in Serbia, against whom and with what legal basis.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows that digital repression is not just a domestic decision: there is a private, cross-border market of companies that sell the possibility of secretly entering someone else’s phone.

Venice Commission. 2020. Interim Report on the Measures Taken in the EU Member States as a Result of the COVID-19 Crisis and Their Impact on Democracy, the Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights. CDL-AD(2020)018.

What the source studies or measures

Constitutional standards for the state of emergency, duration of measures, parliamentary and judicial supervision and limitations of rights.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The Commission underlines the necessity, proportionality, temporaryity and effective parliamentary and judicial supervision of extraordinary powers.

Source limitation

The report sets a comparative standard and is not a special investigation of Serbia or an assessment of every Serbian measure.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it gives a practical test for every crisis: whether the measure is necessary, limited, time-bound and under the actual control of other institutions.

OSCE/ODIHR. 2001. Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Republic of Serbia: Parliamentary Elections, 23 December 2000 — Final Report. Warsaw: OSCE/ODIHR.

What the source studies or measures

The first parliamentary elections in Serbia after the fall of Milosevic.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

ODIHR said that the elections were a great progress and that in three months many earlier electoral flaws had been corrected.

Source limitation

“A good election day does not prove that the democratized police, judiciary, parties and administration, nor that the improvement will take place.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows both the speed and the limit of change: election rules can be improved in a few months, while deeper institutions change over the years.

World Bank. 2024. Serbia Country Economic Memorandum: Fostering Growth Through a More Diversified Industrial Policy. Washington, DC: World Bank.

What the source studies or measures

Sources of economic growth, foreign investment, productivity, state aid and quality of institutions.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The analysis acknowledges macroeconomic progress and investment-driven growth, but warns against dependence on subsidies, poor productivity and the need for stronger domestic institutions and competition.

Source limitation

Economic diagnostics does not measure authoritarianism and cannot interpret every subsidy as political control.

Why it is worth reading

“It’s worth reading because it holds two facts together: authoritarian decline doesn’t mean growth doesn’t exist, but growth in itself doesn’t say who decides, who gets help, and how sustainable development is.

Human Rights Watch. 2024. “We Will Find You”: A Global Look at How Governments Repress Nationals Abroad. New York: Human Rights Watch.

What the source studies or measures

Physical, digital, legal and family forms of transnational repression against critics abroad.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“The report shows that authoritarian states are using spying, Interpol, extradition, threats to the family and attacks to ensure that leaving the country does not mean security.

Source limitation

The comparative report explains the mechanism; it does not list Serbia as the main perpetrator of transnational repression of its own diaspora.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it explains why the border is no longer secure protection when surveillance, police cooperation and abuse of international warrants can be transferred across states.

International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. 2011. Otpor and the Struggle for Democracy in Serbia (1998–2000). Washington, DC: ICNC.

What the source studies or measures

Resistance strategy, coalition of social actors, parallel counting of votes, general strike and attitude towards repression.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The case study shows that the success of 2000 came not only from protests, but from elections, more unified opposition, a wide social network, strikes and weakening the obedience of the apparatus of force.

Source limitation

ICNC promotes nonviolent action and the study is a didactic reconstruction of a successful case, so it carries the risk of subsequent simplification and selection of confirming events.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it breaks down the famous picture on October 5 into much less visible tasks that preceded it: organizing, monitoring elections, strike, legal aid and communication with the police.

Delvić, Milica. 1999. “Economic Sanctions as a Foreign Policy Tool: The Case of Yugoslavia.” International Journal of Peace Studies 4(1).

What the source studies or measures

The political and economic consequences of the comprehensive sanctions against FR Yugoslavia and their connection with the behavior of the Milosevic regime.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The analysis finds a severe impact on the economy and population, limited and indirect political impact and the risk of impoverishment hampering democratization and increasing dependence on authoritarian order.

Source limitation

An older study observes a complex period of war, the disintegration of the state, domestic economic mismanagement and sanctions, so it can not by pure comparison allocate the effect of only one factor.

Why it is worth reading

“It is worth reading because it does not reduce sanctions to the question of whether they ‘worked’, but shows to whom they cost, how the regime redistributed that cost and why democratization could have become more difficult.

Nimmo, Ben, Margarita Franklin, David Agranovich, Lindsay Hundley i Mike Torrey. 2023. Meta Quarterly Adversarial Threat Report, Q4 2022. Menlo Park: Meta.

What the source studies or measures

Coordinated inauthentic behaviour across multiple platforms, including a network in Serbia linked to SNS employees and employees in the country.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The target has removed 5,374 Facebook accounts, 12 groups and 1,060 Instagram accounts from a network that has created the appearance of widespread spontaneous support for the president and the SNS and criticized the opposition.

Source limitation

The platform sees only the activities on its own services and publishes the conclusions of the internal investigation, without a complete set of data that independent researchers could repeat as a whole; the findings do not measure the conclusiveness or electoral performance of the network.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it gives a rarely precise technical clue about the size, mode and attribution of an organized network that represented support greater and more spontaneous than it was.

BIRN Srbija i Građanske inicijative. 2023. Javno o javnim konkursima: Pregled projektnog finansiranja u oblastima medija, civilnog društva, kulture i omladine u 2022. godini. Beograd: BIRN Srbija i Građanske inicijative.

BIRN Srbija i Građanske inicijative. 2023. Public about public competitions: Overview of project funding in the fields of media, civil society, culture and youth in 2022. Belgrade: BIRN Serbia and Civic Initiatives.

What the source studies or measures

Distribution of public money through competition for media, civil society, culture and youth, with the connection of decisions and users in a multi-year basis.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

In 2022, 6.8 billion dinars were distributed through competitions; the same body of users is repeated, and the findings are recorded by GONGO and phantom organizations, tabloids, poor evaluation and silence of part of the institutions.

Source limitation

The database and monitoring show patterns and risks; only the repetition of the user does not prove eligibility or abuse without an overview of the specific competition, decision and project results.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because thousands of decisions show how a competition that formally serves the public interest can become a channel for repeated rewarding of eligible and phantom actors without serious control of the results.

FemPlatz. 2024. Analiza javnih konkursa za podršku projektima udruženja usmerenih na promociju, zaštitu i unapređenje rodne ravnopravnosti i sprečavanje nasilja prema ženama objavljenih tokom 2023. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

FemPlatz. 2024. Analysis of public competitions for support to projects of associations aimed at promotion, protection and improvement of gender equality and prevention of violence against women published during 2023. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

What the source studies or measures

Competition documentation of four state bodies, track of the implementation of funded projects and experience of women’s organizations providing specialized services.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

At four competitions of the Ministry of Family Care and Demography, about 207,7 million dinars were allocated; nine inactive associations received 29.9 million dinars, while women’s organizations received 2% of the funds observed, without funded services for women in a situation of violence.

Source limitation

Desk analysis and four interviews accurately check the selected competitions, but do not prove that every funded association GONGO nor that every bad decision is politically motivated.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because in one clearly defined budget area it shows the gap between declared priority, money users and real services that are left without support.

Lokal pres. 2026. State Advertising at the Local Level. Kragujevac: Lokal pres.

What the source studies or measures

State advertising of public bodies, companies and institutions in Bečej, Vlasotinac, Kraljevo, Krusevac, Leskovac, Obrenovac, Cajetina and Šabac.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Eight local self-governments lack complete public data, criteria and reports on realization; a strong concentration of funds in certain media and a pattern of politically mediated influence on editorial policy were recorded.

Source limitation

The survey covers one year and eight local self-governments; EMFA standards used as a benchmark are not yet fully enshrined in domestic law.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows that the local media does not have to be banned: a public contract for advertising, without criteria and control, can create economic dependence and reward favorable reporting.

Res Publika. 2026. Propaganda vs. javni interes: Analiza projektnog finansiranja i medijskog pluralizma u lokalnim zajednicama. Kragujevac: Res Publika.

Res Publika. 2026. Propaganda vs. Public Interest: Analysis of Project Financing and Media Pluralism in Local Communities. Kragujevac: Res Publika.

What the source studies or measures

Project co-financing of media in Kragujevac, Kraljevo, Jagodina, Užice and Bor, along with journalistic analyses from several other local communities.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The analysis finds promotional and almost identical content, repeated commission members in several cities, incomplete reports and distribution of 41.3 million dinars to 82 media outlets that question the fairness and achievement of the public interest.

Source limitation

Comparing one competition year in five local self-governments and complementing it with journalistic texts; it shows the mechanism and cases well, but does not measure its frequency throughout Serbia.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because from local decisions, commissions and produced content shows how project financing can be converted into paid promotion of power instead of supporting media pluralism.

FemPlatz. 2025. Između megafona i tišine: žene u borbi za promene. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

FemPlatz. 2025. Between megaphone and silence: women in the fight for change. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

What the source studies or measures

Experiences of 170 women at student and civic protests, with interviews, focus groups, questionnaires and a database of the most serious incidents.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The survey records 48 incidents against 71 women, including police and other physical violence, arbitrary detention, sexualized threats, digital violence and attacks on privacy, but also solidarity networks and continued mobilization.

Source limitation

The sample is not representative, the research is exploratory, and the database of incidents is not intentionally complete; the findings show patterns and experiences, not their frequency in the entire population.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it reveals gender-specific forms of repression that are lost in general examinations of protests and at the same time shows why the same repression intimidates someone and connects someone with others.

Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava. 2026. Dosije Hrvatska II: Proterivanje, targetiranje i drugi primeri kršenja ljudskih prava građana i građanki Hrvatske u Srbiji. Beograd: YIHR Srbija.

Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava. 2026. File Croatia II: Expulsion, targeting and other examples of violations of human rights of Croatian citizens in Serbia. Belgrade: YIHR Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Elimination of residence of Croatian citizens, targeting of Croatian citizens and coordination of institutional and pro-government media discourse.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Interviews, official solutions and media analysis show how the vague label “unacceptable security risk” and the label “ustasha” can cause loss of residence, work, privacy and security, with a message of deterrence to others.

Source limitation

It documents certain affected persons and the media pattern; it does not show that all foreign citizens are treated equally or that Serbia systematically persecutes its own critics abroad.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because through documents and people’s experiences it shows how security label, media smear and administrative decision can be merged into a sentence without a criminal conviction.

Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava. 2025. Srbija vs. „Falun Gong“: čelično (ne)prijateljstvo. Beograd: YIHR Srbija.

Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava. 2025. Serbia vs. “Falun Gong”: steel (non)friendship. Belgrade: YIHR Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Deprivation of the freedom of Falun Gong members in Serbia, the domestic legal framework and earlier treatment of the group in the context of relations between Serbia and China.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Interviews with deprived of liberty and legal analysis link domestic police conduct to a political effort not to damage relations with official Beijing.

Source limitation

The conclusion on the political motive is the finding of the YIHR based on interviews, documents and the pattern of conduct, not a legal court ruling on the accountability of institutions.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it gives a rare domestic example of how the relationship with foreign authoritarian power can affect the police restriction of the rights of people in Serbia.

Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava i Odbor za ljudska prava Bujanovac. 2023. Pasivizacija adresa Albanaca u Preševskoj dolini kao diskriminatorna praksa. Beograd i Bujanovac: YIHR Srbija i Odbor za ljudska prava Bujanovac.

Inicijativa mladih za ljudska prava i Odbor za ljudska prava Bujanovac. 2023. Passivation of addresses of Albanians in the Presevo Valley as discriminatory practice. Belgrade and Bujanovac: YIHR Serbia and the Committee for Human Rights of Bujanovac.

What the source studies or measures

Passivation of residence of Albanians in Bujanovac, Presevo and Medvedja through 47 interviews, official decisions, requests for information and data of the electoral roll.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Research documents cases without duly submitted decisions and consequences for personal documents, voting rights, work, property and access to other rights, with the finding of discriminatory application of formal general procedure.

Source limitation

The dedicated sample and incomplete administrative availability do not allow for the assessment of all passivated addresses; the report documents the affected cases and the pattern, not each individual procedure.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it shows how the technical administrative procedure can produce the loss of more civil rights without arrest and affect even the electoral roll.

ASTRA. 2024. Neispričana priča 11 radnika žrtava trgovine ljudima u Srbiji. Beograd: ASTRA.

ASTRA. 2024. Untold story of 11 victims of human trafficking in Serbia. Belgrade: ASTRA.

What the source studies or measures

The case of 11 Indian workers hired through China Energy Engineering Group at the construction site of the Linglong plant in Zrenjanin.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Documents, recordings and testimonies describe illegal contractual provisions, different business from contracted, poor accommodation, threats and pressure for workers to leave Serbia, with an assessment of the reaction or lack of reaction of state institutions.

Source limitation

“It is a case collected in the short term before the departure of the workers; it shows what the privileged position of the investor may look like, but it does not prove the general state policy towards all investors.

Why it is worth reading

It is worth reading because it combines contracts, testimonies and institutional reaction in a specific case in which the cost of a politically important investment project is borne by very vulnerable workers.

International IDEA. 2025. Serbia — The Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Democracy Tracker. Poslednje ažuriranje: septembar 2025.

International IDEA. 2025. Serbia The Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Democracy Tracker. Last updated: September 2025.

What the source studies or measures

Representation, rights, rule of law and participation through comparable GSoD indicators and monthly overview of key events.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Serbia is in the middle range in four main categories, but between 2019 and 2024 it recorded significant declines in the credibility of elections, the effectiveness of parliament and individual civil liberties.

Source limitation

Composite indicators and expert assessments show the direction and dimensions of the change, but do not isolate one cause or prove each individual event.

Why it is worth reading

Gives an independent, reasoned time signal that change is taking place in multiple democratic dimensions, not just one sector.

European Commission. 2025. 2025 Rule of Law Report: Country Chapter on the Rule of Law Situation in Serbia. SWD(2025) 931 final.

What the source studies or measures

Judiciary, anti-corruption framework, media pluralism and institutional issues related to the system of control and balance.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

There is high political pressure on the judiciary and the prosecution, weak parliamentary control, serious concerns for the independence of REM and limited resources of independent bodies, with formal reforms still in place.

Source limitation

The report serves to monitor European standards and relies on state, international and civil society inputs; it does not give scientific classification of the regime or independently check any submitted claim.

Why it is worth reading

In one place, it separates the formal legal framework from the actual functioning of the judiciary, parliament, regulators and independent bodies.

Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). 2024. Observation of the Early Parliamentary Elections in Serbia (17 December 2023). Doc. 15895.

What the source studies or measures

Political context, legal framework, campaign, media, financing, election day, objections and wider effect of frequent early elections.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Establishes that there were political alternatives and mostly respected basic freedoms, but that pressures on voters, decisive participation of the president, media bias and systemic advantages of the ruling party created unfair conditions; frequent early elections weaken the work of institutions.

Source limitation

PACE participated in a joint international observation mission with ODIHR and other delegations, so this report is an additional institutional check, but it is not a fully independent event or dataset.

Why it is worth reading

“It shows precisely why democracy is judged through the entire electoral process, not just through an orderly vote on election day.

European Parliament. 2024. Resolution of 8 February 2024 on the Situation in Serbia Following the Elections. P9_TA(2024)0075.

What the source studies or measures

Allegations of electoral irregularities, institutional response, misuse of public resources, media pluralism and implementation of observer recommendations.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The European Parliament assesses that the elections were not held in fair conditions, cites systemic abuse of institutions and media, lack of response and sanctions, and calls for an independent investigation and implementation of the recommendations of the ODIHR and the Venice Commission.

Source limitation

The resolution is a political act of Parliament and relies largely on the findings of election observers; it is not a separate empirical observation mission or court decision.

Why it is worth reading

Document the institutional assessment of not only irregularities but also the absence of an effective response after the elections.

OECD/SIGMA. 2025. Public Administration in Serbia 2024: Assessment against the Principles of Public Administration. SIGMA Monitoring Reports. OECD Publishing.

What the source studies or measures

Management reform strategy, policy making, civil service system, accountability and supervision, services, digitization and public finances through 36 indicators and 1,732 criteria.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Finds a strong formal framework, but also low transparency of government decision-making, insufficient public involvement, too many officials in the highest positions and exceptions that enable circumvention of investment and procurement procedures.

Source limitation

The data mostly ends in mid-2024; the new methodology limits direct comparison of recent reports with older cycles, and part of the findings uses administration data and interviews.

Why it is worth reading

Provides a rare, detailed verification of how the formal rules of administration differ from the actual application and management responsibility.

OECD. 2026. Anti-Corruption and Integrity Outlook 2026: Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Integrity strategies, lobbying, conflict of interest, political financing, access to information and integrity of the judiciary and civil service.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

For political financing, Serbia meets 80% of the criteria of regulations, but 43% of the criteria of practice; annual and election financial statements of the parties have been submitted in the range of 504% in the last five years.

Source limitation

Indicators use the last available year, which is not the same for each area; they do not prove a specific corruptive action, and the assessment of the judicial framework does not include the January 2026 amendments.

Why it is worth reading

Numbering separates the existence of rules from their application and is therefore particularly useful for distinguishing the corruption risk from the systemic weakening of control.

Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), European University Institute. 2026. Media Pluralism Monitor 2026: Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Basic protection, market pluralism, political independence and social inclusion of the media through a standardized European framework.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Serbia has a total risk of 74% (high), and political independence of the media 81%; the report describes bias in local campaigns, non-transparent state advertising, political ties of ownership and a longer absence of a functional REM Council.

Source limitation

It is a structured expert risk assessment that also uses local sources; it does not measure hypothetical election results without media bias or each newsroom individually.

Why it is worth reading

Adds an independent European framework and breaks down the media problem into four measurable types of risk.

Mandić, Sofija, i CEPRIS. 2026. Report on the Transparency of the Work of the High Judicial Council and the High Prosecutorial Council: 2025.

Mandić, Sofija, i CEPRIS. 2026. Report on the Transparency of the Work of the High Judicial Council and the High Prosecutory Council: 2025.

What the source studies or measures

Publicly available data, sessions, minutes, materials, selection of judges and prosecutors, protection from unauthorized influence and implementation of previous recommendations of two judicial councils.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Finds a combination of progress and permanent loopholes: part of the sessions and minutes are more accessible, but a number of previous recommendations are not or are only partially met, and decision materials, body composition and part of online sessions remain insufficiently transparent.

Source limitation

Analysis primarily measures transparency based on publicly available data; it does not prove the political influence in every decision or the quality of each appointment.

Why it is worth reading

Gives claim-to-claim verification of the work of specific judicial control institutions, with visible fulfilled and unfulfilled recommendations.

Cvejić, Bojan, i ANEM. 2026. Indikatori stanja lokalnih medija u Srbiji za 2025. godinu: studija slučaja osam gradova i opština i jednog regiona.

Cvejić, Bojan, i ANEM. 2026. Indicators of the state of local media in Serbia for 2025: case study of eight cities and municipalities and one region.

What the source studies or measures

Media freedom, economic position, security and access to information based on a poll of 79 local journalists from eight cities and eastern Serbia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The overall average score of the four indicators fell from 2.53 in 2024 to 2.23 in 2025; the survey notes regional differences, political and economic pressures, institutional closures and project co-financing problems.

Source limitation

The sample of journalists and selected environments are not representative of the whole of Serbia, and the evaluations express the experiences and assessments of the participants, not the rate of all incidents.

Why it is worth reading

Adds local and regional levels that national indices often do not see, comparing the same four dimensions over two years.

BIRN Srbija. 2026. Analiza praksi oglašavanja u medijima: tokovi novca, nedostatak kriterijuma i (ne)poštovanje etičkih normi.

BIRN Srbija. 2026. Analysis of advertising practices in the media: cash flows, lack of criteria and (in)respect for ethical standards.

What the source studies or measures

Streams of public and commercial advertising through 148 public procurement contracts worth more than 760 million dinars, more than 7,000 advertisements and procedures of 27 state institutions.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Finds that 84% of funds from the observed public procurements go through marketing agencies and that the analyzed institutions do not have the criteria of professionalism or respect for ethical standards, while significant money goes to the media with numerous violations of the Code.

Source limitation

The coverage is related to identified contracts, daily press and observed institutions; it does not represent the entire media economy and does not prove the agreement on political obedience itself.

Why it is worth reading

Connects public money, award criteria and professional media performance through verifiable contracts and content.

Bajić, Mila, Snežana Bajčeta i SHARE Fondacija. 2024. Izbori 2023. na informativnoj margini: analiza predizborne kampanje u onlajn medijima.

Bajić, Mila, Snežana Bajčeta i SHARE Fondacija. 2024. Elections 2023. on the information margin: analysis of the election campaign in online media.

What the source studies or measures

10,772 central texts from the front pages of the 15 most visited portals, collected in three daily sections, with coding of topics, frameworks, sources and relations to the authorities.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Only 17% of central content was dedicated to elections; analytics accounted for 7.8% of electoral texts and the debate framework for 1%. The findings describe the marginalization of elections, the promotion of the activities of the president and the demonization of the opposition and critical media.

Source limitation

Analyzes the most prominent positions of 15 portals and does not include all content, television, radio or behavior of all users; the sample has technical gaps for the first two days.

Why it is worth reading

Complements television monitoring with precise data on the online space in which a large part of citizens are informed.

Res Publika. 2025. Propaganda vs. javni interes: analiza projektnog finansiranja i medijskog pluralizma u lokalnim zajednicama.

Res Publika. 2025. Propaganda vs. public interest: analysis of project funding and media pluralism in local communities.

What the source studies or measures

Decisions, documentation, commissions, amounts and funded content in Kragujevac, Kraljevo, Jagodina, Bor and Užice, with additional local journalistic analyses.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

In five monitored local self-governments, 41.3 million dinars were distributed for 82 media; the analysis finds problems of fairness and transparency, concentration of decision-making and examples of financing promotional or almost identical content instead of a clear public interest.

Source limitation

Five mediums and one competition cycle give strong local examples, but do not represent all local competitions or prove the motive of each commission or media.

Why it is worth reading

Shows how a formally neutral financing mechanism can give local political and media advantage in practice.

Transparentnost Srbija. 2024. Lider novog sveta: raspisuj lokalno, plaši globalno — monitoring lokalnih izbora 2. juna 2024.

Transparentnost Srbija. 2024. Leader of the new world: publish locally, scare globally monitoring of local elections 2 June 2024.

What the source studies or measures

Official campaign, media presentation, financing and reactions of competent authorities in 90 cities, municipalities and city municipalities.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Document the use of public functions and institutional events for party visibility and electoral advantage at the local level, while monitoring the conduct of competent authorities.

Source limitation

It refers to a specific election cycle, observed officials and the media; it is not a list of every local activity or evidence that every official activity was an abuse.

Why it is worth reading

It adds a wide local scope and separates the campaign of public officials from the regular work of institutions.

Poverenik za informacije od javnog značaja i zaštitu podataka o ličnosti. 2026. Izveštaj o radu Poverenika za 2025. godinu.

Poverenik za informacije od javnog značaja i zaštitu podataka o ličnosti. 2026. Report on the work of the Commissioner for 2025.

What the source studies or measures

Complaints, actions of authorities according to requests for information, execution of decisions of the Commissioner and protection of personal data.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Of the 9,817 resolved appeals, 5,528 or 56.31% were filed for complete ignoring of the request. Of the 604 decisions ordering the submission of information, 122 or 20.2% were not executed; 72 unexecuted decisions concerned public companies.

Source limitation

The report measures the cases that have reached the Commissioner and the conduct within his competence; it does not cover all the requirements in the country or determine the political motive of non-compliance.

Why it is worth reading

Provides primary administrative data on how formal the right to information works in practice and where decisions remain unexecuted.

Zaštitnik građana Republike Srbije. 2026. Redovan godišnji izveštaj Zaštitnika građana za 2025. godinu.

Zaštitnik građana Republike Srbije. 2026. Regular annual report of the Protector of Citizens for 2025.

What the source studies or measures

Complaints of citizens, established violations of rights, recommendations to administration authorities and the conduct of competent authorities according to recommendations.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

5,429 cases were received, 6,317 infringements were established and 915 recommendations were made; the authorities acted on 86.74% of the recommendations. At the same time, this shows a large number of problems and the remaining capacity of the independent mechanism to produce corrective effects.

Source limitation

Data refer to the subject matter of the Protector and his own system of records; the high rate of conduct does not measure the quality of each response or the state of all control institutions.

Why it is worth reading

It is important both as a proof of the problem and as a counterweight to the too wide claim that all institutions are completely dysfunctional.

Agencija za sprečavanje korupcije Republike Srbije. 2026. Annual Report 2025.

What the source studies or measures

Work of the Agency, integrity, complaints, local anti-corruption plans, education, international cooperation and recommendations for changes to regulations.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

By June 2025, local anti-corruption plans had been adopted by 118 out of 145 mandatory local self-governments, but only 43 had formed a monitoring body, and 29 had mostly aligned the plan and the body with the model; the Agency recommends additional legal changes.

Source limitation

It is an independent report of the body on its own work; the data show institutional scope and gaps, but do not represent an independent assessment of the effectiveness of each plan or decision.

Why it is worth reading

Provides primary data on the difference between the formal adoption of anti-corruption mechanisms and the actual establishment of the bodies to accompany them.

Regulatorno telo za elektronske medije (REM). 2025. Izbori 2023 — završni izveštaj monitoringa pružalaca medijskih usluga.

Regulatorno telo za elektronske medije (REM). 2025. Elections 2023 final report of monitoring of media service providers.

What the source studies or measures

Twelve television providers of media services, 24 hours a day, along with time, tonality, content types, state officials and electoral lists.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

REM data show that the list “Aleksandar Vucic Serbia must not stop” was by far the most represented in the analyzed categories of commercial broadcasters; in the central news Pinka had 46.29%, and on B92 63.39%, while state officials accounted for 13.7740.34% of the total election time on the observed non-comb and K1 programs.

Source limitation

The official regulator measures time and tonality according to its own methodology, and the full report is published with considerable delay; the data does not measure the immediate effect on voting and the conclusions of the regulator require comparison with other monitoring.

Why it is worth reading

It adds primary regulatory data and allows claims of media dominance to be verified at the source of the state institution.

Lazić, Uroš. 2025. “Predictors of Party Patronage: A Case of the City Committee of a Serbian Parliamentary Political Entity in 2015.” Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 25(1): 111–148. https://doi.org/10.31297/hkju.25.1.3

Lazić, Uroš. 2025. “Predictors of Party Patronage: A Case of the City Committee of a Serbian Parliamentary Political Entity in 2015” Croatia and Comparative Public Administration 25(1): 111–148 https://doi.org/10.31297/hkju.25.1.3

What the source studies or measures

The link between the position in the local party network, secured votes, education and employment through the party, on the data of 1,725 members of a city board in Novi Sad.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

341 out of 1,725 members (19.8%) were identified as party employees; the number of secured votes and certain network positions are linked to the probability of patronage employment.

Source limitation

An anonymised city board and 2015 data do not represent the whole party, all cities or the current situation; records are retrospective and do not establish the legality of every employment.

Why it is worth reading

Rarely quantitatively check how the contribution to the party network is associated with the distribution of public employment, instead of describing the patronage only through individual testimonies.

Dragojević, Mila, and Andy Konitzer. 2013. “The Forensics of Patronage: Identifying the Linkage Between Parties and Public Sector Employment in Serbia.” Sociološki pregled 47(1): 3–22.

Dragojević, Mila, and Andy Konitzer. 2013. “The Forensics of Patronage: Identifying the Linkage Between Parties and Public Sector Employment in Serbia.” Sociological Review 47(1): 3–22.

What the source studies or measures

The ratio of the size and composition of local governing coalitions and employment in public enterprises in more than 165 municipalities of Serbia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Finds a systematic link between the party schedule of local government and employment in public enterprises, which supports the interpretation of public jobs as a resource of coalition and party patronage.

Source limitation

Data precede the current government and measures aggregate connectivity, not the motive or responsibility of the individual; local coalitions and the labour market changed after 2009.

Why it is worth reading

Gives a broad municipal test of the link between party structure of government and public employment, useful for checking that patronage is not just a single city case.

Tomić, Slobodan, and Dušan Pavlović. 2023. “Blatant, Not Latent: Patronage in Top-Level Appointments in Serbia.” NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 16(1): 181–209. https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0008

Tomić, Slobodan, and Dušan Pavlović. 2023. “Blatant, Not Latent: Patronage in Top-Level Appointments in Serbia.” NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 16(1): 181–209 https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0008

What the source studies or measures

Three appointments and management cases at the top of important institutions and public systems: National Bank of Serbia, Anti-Corruption Agency and EPS.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The authors find an open patronage that through appointments serves policy control, resource extraction and party clientelism, with cases of poor professional suitability and consequences for management.

Source limitation

The three deliberately selected cases do not represent all high appointments; the patronage function and consequences are reconstructed by the authors from documents and publicly available data.

Why it is worth reading

It connects the selection of personnel with the specific functions of patronage and distinguishes political control from ordinary administrative error.

Petrović, Predrag, i Jelena Pejić Nikić, ur. 2021. Security Sector in a Captured State: Act Two. Beograd: Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku.

Petrović, Predrag, i Jelena Pejić Nikić, ur. 2021. Security Sector in a Captured State: Act Two. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.

What the source studies or measures

Police, security services, defence, parliamentary oversight and political context through documents, cases, media investigations and sectoral analysis.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Describes the security institutions as the backbone of political control: breaking up protests, covert surveillance and intimidation of critics, protection of interests of related actors and parliamentary surveillance reduced to support of the executive branch.

Source limitation

The report starts from the framework of the captured state, combines cases and secondary sources and does not constitute a court decision for each allegation; the same manufacturer already has other reports in the matrix.

Why it is worth reading

Provides an immediate bridge between the political network, services, police, defence and weak external control in the same period.

Popović, Đorđe, Predrag Petrović, Gorana Odanović i Jelena Radoman. 2011. Context Analysis of the Security Sector Reform in Serbia 1989–2009. Beograd: Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku.

Popović, Đorđe, Predrag Petrović, Gorana Odanović i Jelena Radoman. 2011. Context Analysis of the Security Sector Reform in Serbia 1989–2009. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.

What the source studies or measures

The political and social context of the reform of the military, police and security services, key actors and chronology before and after the change of power in 2000.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

It shows how the police and the secret services became the pillar of the Milosevic regime, how the behavior of the security top influenced the fracture of 2000 and why the old personnel networks and reserved domains slowed down the reform after the change of power.

Source limitation

The historical synthesis ends in 2009 and cannot describe today’s actors; part of the conclusions are based on then-available literature, interviews and public documents.

Why it is worth reading

Directly connects the personalised power, the apparatus of force, the change in 2000 and the institutional heritage that survived after the shift of the top.

Đorđević, Saša. 2020. Spontani protest i postupanje policije. Beograd: Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku.

Đorđević, Saša. 2020. Spontaneous protest and police conduct. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.

What the source studies or measures

Violence of protesters, police tactics and force, attacks on journalists, command responsibility and institutional response during spontaneous July protests.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“It records the acts of protesters and police injuries, as well as a large number of documented cases of brutal or excessive force, attacks on media workers and the need to examine command responsibility.

Source limitation

A brief analysis of one protest relies in part on media and open sources; not all interventions are listed and the responsibility of individual police officers is established.

Why it is worth reading

It is important because at the same time it records the violence of the protesters and police disproportionateity, so it does not base the conclusion on a one-sided picture of the protest.

Ilić, Vladica, Sanja Radivojević i Luka Mihajlović. 2021. Istrage slučajeva policijskog zlostavljanja na julskim građanskim protestima 2020. godine. Beograd: Beogradski centar za ljudska prava.

Ilić, Vladica, Sanja Radivojević i Luka Mihajlović. 2021. Investigations of cases of police abuse at July 2020 civil protests. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Human Rights.

What the source studies or measures

Criminal reports, documentation of prosecutions and internal controls, recordings, medical documentation and actions of the Protector of Citizens after the protests in 2020.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Documentes 32 Centre applications against more than 70 unknown police officers, additional A11 reports and omissions in the early provision of recordings, identification of officers, independence of checks and determination of individual responsibility.

Source limitation

The authors represent a part of the damaged and analyze a protest cycle; the submitted reports are not the same as the convictions, and the findings about the omissions do not prove every reported action.

Why it is worth reading

Monitor what happened after the recorded incident who was reported, what evidence was sought, and where the chain of responsibility stopped.

United Nations Human Rights Committee. 2024. Concluding Observations on the Fourth Periodic Report of Serbia. CCPR/C/SRB/CO/4, 3 May 2024.

What the source studies or measures

Applying the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, including torture, surveillance, freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The committee notes a high number of complaints of abuse, low prosecution rates and lenient punishment; for the July 2020 protests it lists reports of excessive force against peaceful participants and journalists, the absence of accountability and the problem of identification tags.

Source limitation

The Contracting Authority assesses the state data and alternative reports at the system level; it is not an immediate investigation commission for each incident, nor does it turn every claim into a judicially established fact.

Why it is worth reading

Independently checks that the problem is not just domestic interpretation and clearly separates allegations, systemic responsibility and recommended investigations.

Amnesty International. 2026. The State of the World’s Human Rights 2025/26 — Serbia.

What the source studies or measures

Peaceful gatherings, police actions, pressure on activists and journalists and other key areas of human rights in Serbia.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“There have been multiple instances of excessive force during largely peaceful protests across the country, intimidation and beatings from uniformed and plainclothes police officers, as well as attacks on students by supporters of power.

Source limitation

Annual monitoring summarizes documented cases and partner findings, but is not a list of each intervention or a final decision on individual responsibility; the same manufacturer also has a forensic report on the control in the matrix.

Why it is worth reading

“It adds a newer protest cycle and prevents the police force’s conclusion from remaining tied to July 2020.

European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT). 2024. Report to the Serbian Government on the Visit to Serbia from 21 to 30 March 2023. CPT/Inf (2024) 04.

What the source studies or measures

The conduct of the police towards deprived persons, documentation, medical findings and the effectiveness of investigations into allegations of abuse.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The delegation heard numerous allegations of aggravated physical abuse, found corroborating elements in the part of the medical documentation and found delays, insufficient thoroughness and other weaknesses of the investigations; at the same time, it notes that a significant part of the respondents said that they had been treated correctly.

Source limitation

The targeted visit to selected institutions does not measure the national abuse rate and primarily refers to suspects and detainees, not just political protests.

Why it is worth reading

Adds an immediate field check through interviews, files and medical documentation, with explicitly stated positive and negative findings.

Zaštitnik građana Republike Srbije. 2022. Redovan godišnji izveštaj Zaštitnika građana za 2021. godinu.

Zaštitnik građana Republike Srbije. 2022. Regular Annual Report of the Protector of Citizens for 2021.

What the source studies or measures

Complaints and control procedures in the field of police powers, rights of deprived of liberty and acting on allegations of excessive force.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

In one case, the Protector determined the illegal conduct of the police and the violation of integrity and dignity during the protests in Novi Sad, as well as omissions in the documentation; for other cases, he pointed out that the delayed provision of the recordings and unidentified officers made it difficult to be held accountable.

Source limitation

The primary finding includes the subject matter in the Ombudsman’s jurisdiction and does not mean that all the allegations have been confirmed; part of the recommendations are aimed at future practice and not at sanction in any previous case.

Why it is worth reading

Gives the domestic primary findings on the specific case and on how documentation and identification have affected the possibility of liability.

Mitrović, Sava, i Milica Škorić. 2022. „Reforma sektora bezbednosti u Srbiji: dometi i ograničenja demokratskog upravljanja policijom.” Politička revija 73(3): 143–165. https://doi.org/10.22182/pr.7332022.7

Mitrović, Sava, i Milica Škorić. 2022. “Reform of the Security Sector in Serbia: Scopes and Limitations of Democratic Governance of Police.” Political Review 73(3): 143–165 https://doi.org/10.22182/pr.7332022.7

What the source studies or measures

The legal framework, human rights, parliamentary and independent control, internal control, representativeness and transparency of the police through a five-dimensional model.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

He concludes that police reform after 2000 has not yielded the expected results: the legal space for politicization remains, parliamentary control is weak, independent bodies have limited capacities, and internal control has serious shortcomings.

Source limitation

Review work synthesizes regulations, official documents, requests for information and secondary literature; it does not bring a new representative survey or directly examines the motives of police elders.

Why it is worth reading

Independently of security think tank reports, it checks twenty years of police reform through five clearly separate dimensions of democratic governance.

Dimitrijević, Bojan B. 2021. „Vojska Jugoslavije u događajima 5. oktobra 2000.” Istorija 20. veka 39(1): 175–196. https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.1.dim.175-196

Dimitrijević, Bojan B. 2021. "Army of Yugoslavia in the events of October 5, 2000" History of the 20th Century 39(1): 1756 https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.1.dim.175-196

What the source studies or measures

Preparations, orders and reaction of the Yugoslav Army about the elections on 24 September and the mass protest on 5 October 2000, based on military documents and records.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

It shows that there were preparations for the possible intervention of special, armoured and engineering forces, but that the intervention against the citizens did not occur; the author associates the outcome with the massiveness of the rebellion and widespread discontent within the military.

Source limitation

The work is focused on the Yugoslav Army and one crucial event; the available documentation is not complete and does not cover all police, political and international decisions.

Why it is worth reading

Gives domestic documentary evidence of how the military command was prepared, why the intervention was not carried out and how the apparatus accepted the change of the top.

Stojiljković, Zoran, and Dušan Spasojević. 2017. “Serbia: Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Serbia.” In Organizational Structures of Political Parties in Central and Eastern European Countries, eds. Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik, Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, and Piotr Borowiec, 369–390. Kraków: Jagiellonian University Press.

What the source studies or measures

Statutes, formal rules and organizational practices of important parties in Serbia, with an emphasis on concentration of power, cartelization and internal procedures.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The parties are described as extremely influential actors without a real counterweight; SNS in the observed period rests primarily on the popularity of leaders, while SPS and DS had more developed organizational structures.

Source limitation

The analysis ends around 2016 and relies in considerable part on statutes and formal procedures; it does not measure today’s local network, any informal decision or internal conflict.

Why it is worth reading

It separates the party as a permanent organization from the leader-centric movement and provides an immediate framework for assessing whether the party organs really decide on their own.

Bursać, Dejan, and Dušan Vučićević. 2025. “Electioneering Strategies in the Hybrid Regime: Another Regular Snap Election in Serbia.” New Perspectives 33(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X241308429

Bursać, Dejan, and Dušan Vučićević. 2025. “Electioneering Strategies in the Hybrid Regime: Another Regular Snap Election in Serbia.” New Perspectives 33(1) https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X241308429

What the source studies or measures

Rules, actors, early elections, campaigns and outcomes of the 2023 elections and the 2024 local elections through a hybrid regime.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Finds opportunistic timing of elections, unequal access to media, public funds and institutions, interference of state and party activities and strong reliance of the SNS on the president’s popularity and informal leadership.

Source limitation

The study interprets strategies from public events, election data and secondary sources; it does not present an experiment or direct evidence of motives for any decision to call an election.

Why it is worth reading

In one analysis, it links election time, institutional advantage, opposition strategy, and a leader-centric government organization.

Ilić, Vujo, and Gazela Pudar Draško. 2022. “2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of the Opposition?” Contemporary Southeastern Europe 9(2): 1–14. https://doi.org/10.25364/02.9:2022.2.1

Ilić, Vujo, and Gazela Pudar Draško. 2022. “2022 Elections in Serbia: The Return of the Opposition?” Contemporary Southeastern Europe 9(2): 1–14 https://doi.org/10.25364/02.9:2022.2.1

What the source studies or measures

The return of the opposition after the boycott, the institutional framework, the campaign, the unequal conditions and the political consequences of the 2022 elections.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

It shows that the 2020 boycott left parliament almost without opposition, while the 2022 exit restored pluralism and access to institutions, but did not remove misuse of public resources, unequal media and pressure on voters.

Source limitation

Analytical work relies in part on observer reports and public sources; it does not give a universal boycott rule or an independent rate of all electoral pressures.

Why it is worth reading

Allows the price of boycotts and profit from return to institutions to be assessed in the same Serbian case, without turning one tactic into a general rule.

CeSID. 2024. Oko izbora 24. Beograd: Centar za slobodne izbore i demokratiju.

CeSID. 2024. Around the elections 24. Belgrade: Centre for Free Elections and Democracy.

What the source studies or measures

Political and legal framework, electoral list, work of electoral administration, campaign, election day, disputes and results of two related election cycles.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Record frequent early elections, high distrust, allegations of voter pressure and migration, analyze legal procedures and recommend stronger rules against misuse of state resources and pressure on public employees.

Source limitation

The report combines observation, legal analysis and reported allegations; not all allegations have been proven, and the accepted or rejected objection does not necessarily address a broader political pattern.

Why it is worth reading

Adds a domestic observer different from CRTA and links campaign, voter list, election day and legal epilogue.

OSCE/ODIHR. 2022. Republic of Serbia: Presidential and Early Parliamentary Elections, 3 April 2022 — Election Observation Mission Final Report. Warsaw: OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights.

What the source studies or measures

Legal framework, electoral administration, campaign, media, financing, voter pressures, election day and disputes.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The dominant presence of the current president and the ruling party, the merger of state and party activities, unequal media access and allegations of pressure on voters and public employees.

Source limitation

It refers to one election cycle; as a second ODIHR report it increases the time span, but does not represent a new independent producer compared to ODIHR 2023.

Why it is worth reading

Provides a comparison of pressure patterns and institutional advantages between 2022 and 2023, with a clear warning that the manufacturer is the same.

OSCE/ODIHR. 2020. Republic of Serbia: Parliamentary Elections, 21 June 2020 — Special Election Assessment Mission Final Report. Warsaw: OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights.

What the source studies or measures

Legal and political context of boycott, campaigning, media, administration and electoral disputes in pandemic conditions.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

He documents the elections held with a boycott of much of the opposition and long-standing concerns about media dominance, official campaigning and pressures, in parliament, which was almost without opposition representation after the election.

Source limitation

The special mission did not systematically observe all polling stations; the same manufacturer as other ODIHR reports and one specific pandemic cycle.

Why it is worth reading

Gives an independent time point for assessing what the boycott has produced in institutions and which problems with conditions have not been solved.

OSCE/ODIHR. 2024. Republic of Serbia: Local Elections, 2 June 2024 — Final Report. Warsaw: OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights.

What the source studies or measures

Local campaigns and administration, polling lists, media, election day and disputes following the 2023 cycle.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The continuation of unequal conditions and the divided strategy of the opposition is recorded, while some of the actors came out and some boycotted the local elections.

Source limitation

Local, not national cycle; the same ODIHR manufacturer as reports 2020, 2022 and 2023, so it does not count as a new independent certificate.

Why it is worth reading

It provides an immediate comparison of exit and boycott within the same year and shows that the dilemma has not ended with the 2020 case.

European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations (ENEMO). 2022. Presidential and Early Parliamentary Elections, 3 April 2022, Serbia — Final Report.

What the source studies or measures

Campaign, legal framework, electoral administration, media, election day and pressures on voters.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

It notes the serious disparity of the campaign and allegations of voter intimidation, including pressure on employees and other economically dependent groups.

Source limitation

The observation report does not convert the reported allegation into a judicially established fact and does not measure the national rate of any form of pressure.

Why it is worth reading

Adds an international producer different from ODIHR and directly monitors the economic and labor pressure in the campaign.

International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES). 2021. Technical Election Assessment Mission in Serbia, March 2021.

What the source studies or measures

Legal framework, electoral administration, accessibility, voter education, political financing, corruption risks and dispute resolution.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Identify long-term unimplemented recommendations and vulnerabilities that reduce real competition, especially in financing, supervision, election management and the effectiveness of legal protection.

Source limitation

Technical system assessment, not direct campaign observation or representative measurement of voter pressure; it is funded by USAID support.

Why it is worth reading

Separates technical capacity and formal rules from structural vulnerabilities that allow for an advantage long before the day of voting.

Amnesty International. 2023. Trapped by Automation: Poverty and Discrimination in Serbia’s Welfare State.

What the source studies or measures

Application of the Social Card system through documents, interviews with users, social workers, organizations and authorities, as well as selected appeal cases.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Documents that automated checks have removed some people quickly and sometimes incorrectly from social assistance, with problems of information, reasoning, equality and an effective remedy.

Source limitation

Supports the lack of transparency and weakness of the complaint, but does not prove that every decision on assistance is politically motivated or directly measures the party’s blackmailing of users.

Why it is worth reading

Important counter-check: shows that denial of rights may also arise from automated administrative error, without a proven party motive.

Beretka, Katinka, and Áron Ősze. 2025. ‘Constitutional Court Attitudes and the COVID-19 Pandemic—Case Studies of Hungary, Serbia, and Croatia.’ Frontiers in Political Science 7: 1540881. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2025.1540881

Beretka, Katinka, and Áron Ősze. 2025. ‘Constitutional Court Attitudes and the COVID-19 Pandemic—Case Studies of Hungary, Serbia, and Croatia.’ Frontiers in Political Science 7: 1540881 https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2025.1540881

What the source studies or measures

The way in which the constitutional courts of Hungary, Serbia and Croatia controlled emergency measures, proportionality of restrictions and decisions of the executive authority during the pandemic.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

“For Serbia, it shows that the Constitutional Court rejected the initiatives for assessing the declaration of a state of emergency and that in important cases it applied a more restrained control and a weaker test of proportionality than would require a strong protection of rights.

Source limitation

Comparative legal analysis of court decisions; does not measure the social consequences of the measures or prove that all decisions were politically ordered.

Why it is worth reading

It connects the primary decisions of the Constitutional Court with the comparative standard and allows to distinguish between formal judicial control and its actual rigor.

Venice Commission. 2026. Urgent Opinion on the 28 January 2026 Amendments to Laws Governing the Judiciary and the Prosecution. CDL-AD(2026)016.

What the source studies or measures

Procedure and content of amendments to five laws on judiciary and public prosecution, including autonomy, temporary referral and judicial map.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Establishes that the changes were adopted urgently without effective discussion, consultation and impact assessment and that the sum of the changes removes important guarantees of prosecutorial autonomy; temporary referrals can create uncertainty and pressure.

Source limitation

Legal opinion on a certain package of laws; multiple reports on the same event are no longer independent certificates, and part of the recommendations were subsequently reviewed or implemented.

Why it is worth reading

Gives an immediate test of whether formally adopted changes preserve or weaken independence and separates the problem of procedure from the consequences of individual provisions.

European Commission. 2026. 2026 Rule of Law Report: Country Chapter on the Rule of Law Situation in Serbia. SWD(2026) 931 final.

What the source studies or measures

Judiciary, anti-corruption framework, media pluralism, work of parliament and independent bodies through documents, data of the authorities and consultations with interested parties.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Stronger political pressure on the judiciary, urgent adoption of five judicial laws without transparent consultations, weak parliamentary debate and supervision, a long period without the functional advice of REM and poor implementation of recommendations of independent bodies; registers and subsequent repairs of part of judicial solutions.

Source limitation

EU monitoring that combines data from authorities and actors; the same manufacturer as previous reports of the European Commission and therefore does not count as a new independent group when used together.

Why it is worth reading

At one place it monitors whether the formal powers of parliament, courts, regulators and supervisory bodies are transformed into effective control of the authorities.

GRECO. 2026. Fifth Evaluation Round: Second Compliance Report on Serbia. GrecoRC5(2026)7. Adopted 12 June 2026; published 18 August 2026.

What the source studies or measures

Integrity and prevention of corruption in the highest executive functions and law enforcement bodies, including the capacities of the Agency, the police and the specialized prosecutor’s office.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Of the 24 recommendations, three assesses satisfactorily implemented, ten partially and eleven unenforced; points to insufficient integrity checks, consultation weaknesses, limited Agency resources, risks to prosecutorial autonomy and the need for a meritorious and transparent choice of police leadership.

Source limitation

Measures compliance with selected recommendations, not the overall distribution of corruption; relies on both government data and collegial expert assessment.

Why it is worth reading

Allows to separately check the rules, resources, appointments and actual institutional capacities instead of treating all supervisory authorities as one category.

Radna grupa Nacionalnog konventa o Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 23. 2026. Saopštenje povodom postupka izmene pravosudnih zakona. 6. maj 2026.

Radna grupa Nacionalnog konventa o Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 23. 2026.

What the source studies or measures

Procedure for adoption and subsequent correction of judicial laws, availability of drafts, deadlines and conditions for public participation.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

It states that the January amendments were adopted without public discussion, and that the May consultations were announced in a very short time without timely published drafts; it demands full implementation of the recommendations of the Venice Commission.

Source limitation

Public advocacy statement of the expert coalition, not independent assessment of consequences; it overlaps with CEPRIS/YUCOM networks and the same legislative event.

Why it is worth reading

It adds domestic expert insight into the actual quality of consultations, but remains clearly separate from international legal opinion and later impact assessment.

Beogradski centar za ljudska prava. 2021. Ljudska prava u Srbiji 2020. Urednici Dušan Pokuševski i Vesna Petrović. Beograd: Beogradski centar za ljudska prava.

Beogradski centar za ljudska prava. 2021. Human Rights in Serbia 2020 Editors Dusan Pokusevski and Vesna Petrović. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Human Rights.

What the source studies or measures

Proclamation of state of emergency, restrictions on rights, frequent changes to the rules, work of institutions and legal remedies during the pandemic.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

Documents the declaration of a state of emergency without a previous session of the National Assembly, broad restrictions on rights, frequent rule changes and concentrated decision-making; notes that the formal state of emergency was abolished on 6 May 2020.

Source limitation

Advocacy annual monitoring and legal assessment that can be challenged; the same manufacturer as the newer BCHR annual report and is therefore not an additional group of producers.

Why it is worth reading

Provides chronology and domestic legal documentation, including an important fence that the formal state of emergency has not remained permanently in force.

Visoki savet sudstva. 2026. Saopštenje povodom Predloga izmena pravosudnih zakona. 15. januar 2026.

Visoki savet sudstva. 2026. Statement on the Proposal for Amendments to Judicial Laws. 15 January 2026.

What the source studies or measures

Formal participation of the High Judicial Council, obtaining its opinion and analytical basis of the proposed judicial changes.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The High Judicial Council states that the proposer did not seek the legally envisaged opinion of the Council, that no load analysis was presented and that the proposal was withdrawn from the procedure.

Source limitation

The official position of the institution directly affected by the proposal; confirms its conduct and procedural objection, does not constitute an external assessment of the entire package.

Why it is worth reading

The primary clue that the competent institution has formally challenged the procedure and the content, useful for checking whether the remaining autonomy produces a public reaction.

Ustavni sud Republike Srbije. 2012. Ustavni sud usvojio više od 120 žalbi neizabranih sudija. 12. jul 2012, predmet VIIIU-534/2011.

Ustavni sud Republike Srbije. 2012. Constitutional Court adopted more than 120 appeals of unelected judges. July 12, 2012, Case VIIIU-534/2011.

What the source studies or measures

The outcome of appeals by unelected judges and the obligation of the High Judicial Council following the decision of the Constitutional Court.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The Constitutional Court has adopted more than 120 appeals, annulled the decisions of the High Judicial Council and ordered that the applicants be elected to a permanent judicial post within 60 days.

Source limitation

Official summary of one group of decisions in the specific reform and period; one intervention does not prove the general or present independence of the court.

Why it is worth reading

Gives a concrete Serbian counterexample to the claim that the court can never act against the previous politically important reform.

Ustavni sud Republike Srbije. 2020. Rešenje IУо-42/2020 od 21. maja 2020. godine.

Ustavni sud Republike Srbije. 2020 Decision IUo-42/2020 of 21 May 2020.

What the source studies or measures

Constitutionality of the Decision on the declaration of the state of emergency, the manner of its adoption and the conditions in which the National Assembly did not sit.

Main finding relevant to Serbia

The Constitutional Court rejected the initiatives to initiate the proceedings and accepted the reason for the inability to meet the Assembly; the decision noted that the state of emergency was lifted on 6 May 2020.

Source limitation

Majority legal decision and justification, not neutral assessment of proportionality of all measures, nor proof of their social consequences.

Why it is worth reading

“The primary evidence is that the constitutional control worked in the crisis itself and at the same time confirms that the formal state of emergency has not remained permanent.