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AUTHORITARIANISM - RESEARCH ATLASAVtokratija

How the authoritarian system works in Serbia

General research connected to documented examples, findings, and sources from Serbia.

100questions
20areas
148academic works
130Serbia sources
Go to the general AUTLASExplore general mechanisms of authoritarian systems without the Serbia evidence layer.

SIX ENTRIES INTO THE MATRIX

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AVtokratija›How independent institutions are neutralized and crises are used
40
Research-based answerAUTLAS Research Base

Why do 'temporary' emergency measures often remain after the crisis?

Confidence in the conclusionquite substantiated, with important conditions
key academic works5
linked Serbia sources8
Period202026

“Temporary” measure often remains because after the crisis there are already a service, a budget, a database, equipment and people whose position depends on its continuation. The government gets used to faster decision-making without control, the service to the wider powers, and the public can long accept the rationale that the danger has not completely passed.

Measures do not have to be extended by the same name: they can be moved to a regular law or a new institution. Therefore, the expiration date is not enough if the government can routinely move it. The exception becomes a more difficult rule when the continuation requires a new public explanation and vote, when the court can check the necessity, when the data on the application is published and when the collected data and temporary services are indeed extinguished after the end of the crisis.

Example from SerbiaChecked 8 sources; 8 manufacturers
8 related sources; 8 groups of evidence producers; domestic NGOs/research producers: 4

Serbia abolished the formal state of emergency in May 2020, so it is not a pure example of a country in which the same package of emergency powers remained permanently in force. Nevertheless, the crisis has strengthened the already existing habit of deciding from the executive top, suppressing parliament and frequently changing the rules without a full discussion. This shows an important nuance: sometimes the emergency regulation disappears, but it remains the political mode that has made the crisis more normal.

How the finding is separated in the matrix

01Established fact

The formal regime is over, but legal and monitoring studies record a weak parliamentary role during the crisis and the continuation of a wider pattern of executive dominance in later years.

02Our interpretation

“Temporary” can remain as a law, institution or habit. In Serbia, the strongest evidence for habit and power ratio is weaker for permanent validity of identical measure.

03Does it show the same process?

Partially formal measures generally do not remain the same, but the already existing model of centralized decision-making has been strengthened.

04Important caveat or alternative explanation

Not every subsequent centralization should be attributed to a pandemic. The crisis was an accelerant and a test of existing weaknesses, not necessarily their sole cause.

What the general answer does not allow us to conclude

The deadline can be constantly extended or bypassed by the new law. Protection is only valid if someone has the data and enough power to implement it.

Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.

A01

comparing several countries or cases

Gross, O. i Ní Aoláin, F. (2006), Law in Times of Crisis: Emergency Powers in Theory and Practice, Cambridge University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Gross and N Aoláin show how difficult it is to make an emergency regime that is strong enough during the danger and then really disappears. Once institutionalized, the exception can change the law and practice of the executive power even after the crisis.
Open source ↗
A02

review more research

Scheuerman, W. E. (2006), „Emergency Powers“, Annual Review of Law and Social Science 2: 257–277.

Contribution to this answer
Scheuerman is the most direct here: the executive power has the incentive to extend and use extraordinary powers even after the initial danger, so protective procedures must be made against these incentives.
Open source ↗
A03

review more research

Ginsburg, T. i Huq, A. Z. (2018), How to Save a Constitutional Democracy, University of Chicago Press.

Contribution to this answer
Ginsburg and Huq show how temporary or special measures can become part of a broader democratic erosion if they weaken the limits of executive power, rights or shiftability.
Open source ↗
A04

comparing several countries or cases

Scheppele, K. L. (2018), „Autocratic Legalism“, University of Chicago Law Review 85(2): 545–583.

Contribution to this answer
Scheppele shows how the exception can be normalized through regular laws, procedures and institutions. What is introduced as a temporary can thus become part of the ordinary way of management.
Open source ↗
A05

comparison of different combinations of conditions

Panzano, G. i Tomini, L. (2026), „Unity Makes Strength: Patterns of Democratic Resistance against Autocratization“, European Journal of Political Research, First View: 1–26.

Contribution to this answer
Panzano and Tomini do not study the duration of emergency measures, but give an important counter-mechanism: combined institutional, political, and social resistance can stop autocratization and prevent the temporary extension of power from becoming permanent.
Open source ↗

Sources supporting the Serbia example, with the claim they support and their limitations.

S01

Legal study of the country - Verified 21.08.2026

Krstić, Ivana, i Marko Davinić. 2021. “Serbia: Legal Response to Covid-19.” U: The Oxford Compendium of National Legal Responses to Covid-19. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/law-occ19/law-occ19-e7

Krstić, Ivana, and Marko Davinić. 2021. “Serbia: Legal Response to Covid-19.” In: The Oxford Compendium of National Legal Responses to Covid-19. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/law-occ19/law-occ19-e7

What the source records
The study shows that urgent decisions in Serbia were made with a weak parliamentary role and more contentious issues of legality and proportionality.
Claim it supports
Fence that the formal state of emergency is over, but also the claim that the crisis has intensified the already existing pattern of centralized decision-making.
Source limitation
Legal analysis assesses norms and procedures, but does not measure their social and political consequences.
Open source ↗
S02

Local NGO coalition extraordinary monitoring - Verified 21.08.2026

Koalicija prEUgovor. 2020. Alarm izveštaj: napredak Srbije u poglavljima 23 i 24, sa posebnim osvrtom na vanredno stanje. Beograd: prEUgovor.

Coalition prEUgovor. 2020. Alarm report: Serbia’s progress in chapters 23 and 24, with special reference to the state of emergency. Belgrade: prEUgovor.

What the source records
The report deals with the declaration of a state of emergency without a parliamentary session, the rapid change of rules and limited control of the executive power.
Claim it supports
Fence that the formal state of emergency is over, but also the claim that the crisis has intensified the already existing pattern of centralized decision-making.
Source limitation
It was created in the middle of the crisis, so some consequences and later court outcomes were not yet known.
Open source ↗
S03

Domestic NGOs parliamentary monitoring - Verified 21.08.2026

Otvoreni parlament. 2025. Godišnji izveštaj o radu XIV saziva Narodne skupštine, februar 2024 – april 2025. Beograd: CRTA.

Open Parliament. 2025. Annual Report on the work of the XIV Assembly of the National Assembly, February 2024 April 2025. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source records
The report describes the Assembly under the dominant influence of the executive, with minimal use of oversight mechanisms, systematic ignoring of opposition initiatives and abuse of procedures.
Claim it supports
Fence that the formal state of emergency is over, but also the claim that the crisis has intensified the already existing pattern of centralized decision-making.
Source limitation
It includes one convocation and one institution, so it cannot explain the entire system itself or determine the motives of every MP and official.
Open source ↗
S04

The Official International Legal Standard - Verified 21.08.2026

Venice Commission. 2020. Interim Report on the Measures Taken in the EU Member States as a Result of the COVID-19 Crisis and Their Impact on Democracy, the Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights. CDL-AD(2020)018.

What the source records
The Commission underlines the necessity, proportionality, temporaryity and effective parliamentary and judicial supervision of extraordinary powers.
Claim it supports
Fence that the formal state of emergency is over, but also the claim that the crisis has intensified the already existing pattern of centralized decision-making.
Source limitation
The report sets a comparative standard and is not a special investigation of Serbia or an assessment of every Serbian measure.
Open source ↗
S05

Reviewed comparative legal work - Reviewed full peer-reviewed work, method, Serbian subjects and conclusions

Beretka, Katinka, and Áron Ősze. 2025. ‘Constitutional Court Attitudes and the COVID-19 Pandemic—Case Studies of Hungary, Serbia, and Croatia.’ Frontiers in Political Science 7: 1540881. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2025.1540881

What the source records
Compare the duration and judicial control of pandemic measures and show that institutional restraint can continue even when the formal regime is changing.
Claim it supports
It supports the risk that a crisis control pattern will become a precedent, but not that all the same measures necessarily remain in place.
Source limitation
Comparative legal analysis; does not establish a causal link between the pandemic and all subsequent practices in Serbia.
Open source ↗
S06

Primary legal source Constitutional Court decision - Reviewed official decision, statement and explanation

Ustavni sud Republike Srbije. 2020. Rešenje IУо-42/2020 od 21. maja 2020. godine.

Constitutional Court of the Republic of Serbia. 2020 Decision IUo-42/2020 of 21 May 2020.

What the source records
The decision noted that the formal state of emergency was lifted on 6 May 2020.
Claim it supports
It is important to counter-check: Serbia is not a pure example in which an identical formal emergency regime has remained permanently in force.
Source limitation
It does not speak for itself that all the consequences, regulations or institutional habits created during the crisis have disappeared.
Open source ↗
S07

Official international monitoring - Verified 21.08.2026

European Commission. 2025. Serbia 2025 Report. Commission Staff Working Document. Brussels: European Commission.

What the source records
Later annual monitoring records persistent weaknesses in parliamentary control, the rule of law and independent institutions.
Claim it supports
It allows to check whether concentrated decision-making and poor control are visible even after the formal end of the pandemic regime.
Source limitation
The timeline does not prove that the pandemic caused any later weakness; the same tendencies have existed before.
Open source ↗
S08

The International Longitudinal Democratic Index - Viewed official website, methodological framework and Serbia profile

International IDEA. 2025. Serbia — The Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Democracy Tracker. Poslednje ažuriranje: septembar 2025.

International IDEA. 2025. Serbia The Global State of Democracy (GSoD) Democracy Tracker. Last updated: September 2025.

What the source records
Longitudinal democratic indicators monitor the state of representative power, rights and control after the pandemic.
Claim it supports
Complements individual reports with a long-term check that institutional centralisation is not assessed at a single crisis point.
Source limitation
The index and expert data do not identify a specific pandemic regulation that has produced any subsequent change.
Open source ↗

ABOUT US AND OUR METHODOLOGY

Many sources. Clear methodology. Verifiable answers.

AUTLAS is a public knowledge platform about how authoritarian systems work. It turns research findings into clear answers to the questions people ask when trying to understand elections, media, institutions, public resources, pressure, and everyday life in an authoritarian system.

01

Based on academic research

The answers are based on relevant academic research on authoritarian systems, democratic backsliding, institutional capture, and the narrowing of civic rights and freedoms. AUTLAS connects findings from scholarly articles, books, and comparative studies and presents them in language accessible to the wider public.

02

Practice documented in Serbia

AVtokratija is the Serbia case study within AUTLAS. It uses reports, analyses, and data from civil society organizations, independent institutions, professional associations, investigative media, and other relevant sources. General findings and evidence from Serbia are presented separately.

03

Sources open to scrutiny

Each answer lists the sources used. Visitors can check which research, data, and reports underpin the conclusions. The authors of the research and the organizations that collected the data remain clearly credited.

04

Why questions?

Knowledge about authoritarian systems is scattered across scholarly papers, books, databases, and reports. AUTLAS organizes it through 100 questions in 20 areas, so people can start with a phenomenon they recognize and understand the wider system to which it belongs.

05

Focus on the system, not on blaming people

Authoritarian systems change the rules, narrow the range of choices, raise the cost of refusal, and create the impression that nothing can change. AUTLAS therefore analyzes rules, incentives, pressures, and institutional mechanisms - rather than blaming people trying to live and work within such a system.

06

Who is behind AUTLAS?

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