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AUTHORITARIANISM - RESEARCH ATLASAVtokratija

How the authoritarian system works in Serbia

General research connected to documented examples, findings, and sources from Serbia.

100questions
20areas
148academic works
130Serbia sources
Go to the general AUTLASExplore general mechanisms of authoritarian systems without the Serbia evidence layer.

SIX ENTRIES INTO THE MATRIX

Which question do you want to start with?

Concrete questions are the starting point. The other 94 are available through the map of 20 areas.

MAP OF THE AUTHORITARIAN SYSTEM

Twenty areas guide you through the system as a whole.

Select an area to see why it matters and which five questions it opens.

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WHY THIS AREA MATTERS

Why people stay silent, adapt, and think they are alone

People often adapt not because they like the system, but because they cannot see a safe and meaningful alternative. When everyone hides what they think, all of them may wrongly believe they are alone.
AVtokratija›Why people stay silent, adapt, and think they are alone
65
Research-based answerAUTLAS Research Base

Why can everyone be dissatisfied yet still believe they are in the minority and do nothing?

Confidence in the conclusionwell substantiated
key academic works5
linked Serbia sources4
Period2012-2026; in particular 2024-2025.

If everyone hides dissatisfaction, no one can know for sure how many others think the same. One sees public praise, lack of protest and silence of colleagues, and concludes that in case of resistance he would remain alone and bear the whole price. Others make the same assessment, which is why everyone continues to remain silent and thus confirm each other’s wrong image.

A visible event a bold public outburst, a large rally, an election result or a division in power can suddenly reveal that the dissatisfied have much more than previously thought. Then the behavior changes quickly and the system that seemed solid becomes vulnerable. However, the knowledge that we are not alone is not enough if the risk, repression or organizational obstacles are still too high.

Example from SerbiaChecked connection 4 sources; waiting for saturation pass
4 related sources; Serbia not yet logged on Saturation Pass

If every dissatisfied person sees mostly pro-government media, silent colleagues and full organized gatherings, he can conclude that he is alone even when a lot of others privately think the same. In Serbia, mass protests in 2024 and 2025 have for the first time publicly shown some people the magnitude of dissatisfaction and support for students. Gathering is not just pressure on the authorities; it reveals to people each other and changes the assessment of how safe it is to act.

How the finding is separated in the matrix

01Established fact

Media monitoring confirms the poor visibility of critical attitudes, and representative research and mass mobilizations in 2025 show considerable support for protest requests.

02Our interpretation

A common misconception persists while private attitudes are invisible. A public, verifiable signal a poll, signature, rally, or election result can shatter it abruptly.

03Does it show the same process?

Yes to the visibility mechanism; we cannot prove that every participant previously mistakenly believed that they were in the minority.

04Important caveat or alternative explanation

The number of people at the protest and support for the request are not the same as support for one party or a solution. The public opinion assessment requires representative measurements and a clear formulation of the question.

What the general answer does not allow us to conclude

This explains why change can be sudden, but it does not say when it will happen. People can know that they are not alone and still reasonably estimate that the risk is too high.

Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.

A01

Explain how the system works

Kuran, T. (1991), „Now Out of Never: The Element of Surprise in the East European Revolution of 1989“, World Politics 44(1): 7–48.

Contribution to this answer
The Koran shows how there can be an illusion of stability just when many people privately dislike the existing system: since each individual sees the mostly public behavior of others, they all underestimate how much opposition really exists. That is why a major change may seem impossible just before the public opposition suddenly explodes.
Open source ↗
A02

review more research

Kuran, T. (1995), Private Truths, Public Lies: The Social Consequences of Preference Falsification, Harvard University Press.

Contribution to this answer
A broader explanation is the vicious cycle of falsifying preferences: I hide what I think because I believe I am lonely; others because of my silence conclude the same; our silence then gives everyone an even stronger reason to keep quiet.
Open source ↗
A03

review more research

Miller, D. T. (2023), „A Century of Pluralistic Ignorance: What We Have Learned About Its Origins, Forms, and Consequences“, Frontiers in Social Psychology 1.

Contribution to this answer
Miller gives this phenomenon a psychological name pluralistic ignorance: members of the group systematically misjudge other people’s private views. Therefore, the norm can seem widely accepted even when a large number of people do not support it privately.
Open source ↗
A04

Historical data and comparison

Michel, J., Miller, M. K. i Peters, M. E. (2023), „How Authoritarian Governments Decide Who Emigrates: Evidence from East Germany“, International Organization 77(3): 527–563.

Michel, J., Miller, M. K. i Peters, M. E. (2023), “How Authoritarian Governments Decide Who Emigrates: Evidence from East Germany,” International Organization 77(3): 527–563.

Contribution to this answer
Michel, Miller and Peters show another way in which discontent can disappear from domestic politics: authoritarian government can selectively allow the most active opponents to emigrate and thus reduce opposition at home, while retaining citizens who are important to its economy or security. This does not explain why people think they are a minority, but why real discontent does not have to remain organized within the country.
Open source ↗
A05

data from a large number of countries

Beissinger, M. R. (2022), The Revolutionary City: Urbanization and the Global Transformation of Rebellion, Princeton University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Beissinger shows why cities can suddenly change this calculation: the concentration of a large number of people in a public space makes opposition visible, accelerates the flow of information and allows individuals to understand very quickly that they are not alone. But such rapid mass gatherings simultaneously create uncertain and often very heterogeneous coalitions.
Open source ↗

Sources supporting the Serbia example, with the claim they support and their limitations.

S01

Domestic NGOs systematic media monitoring - Verified 21.08.2026

CRTA. 2025. Media Monitoring of Political Pluralism: Government in Focus, Opposition Almost Invisible. Beograd: CRTA.

What the source records
Monitoring finds that more than half of the time intended for political actors went to the president, who had 354 live television broadcasts and almost exclusively neutral or positive treatment.
Claim it supports
The claim that poor visibility of criticism can make dissatisfaction invisible, and polls and mass gatherings can change people’s assessment of how many there are.
Source limitation
The sample includes the central news of five national TV stations, but does not measure all media, the entire program offer, the audience or the direct impact of such reporting on voting.
Open source ↗
S02

Domestic NGOs representative public opinion - Verified 21.08.2026

CRTA i Democracy Action Lab. 2026. Veruju u demokratiju, ne veruju u vlast: istraživanje javnog mnjenja u Srbiji. Beograd: CRTA.

CRTA and Democracy Action Lab. 2026. They believe in democracy, they do not believe in government: public opinion research in Serbia. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source records
Six out of ten citizens consider democracy the best system, but the same share estimates that democracy in Serbia does not work; trust in the main political institutions is about one-third.
Claim it supports
The claim that poor visibility of criticism can make dissatisfaction invisible, and polls and mass gatherings can change people’s assessment of how many there are.
Source limitation
The survey measures attitudes at a time of great political mobilization and cannot explain on its own why people support different, sometimes contradictory values at the same time.
Open source ↗
S03

Domestic NGOs representative public opinion - Verified 21.08.2026

CRTA. 2025. Raste nezadovoljstvo vlašću; natpolovična podrška studentima. Beograd: CRTA.

CRTA. 2025. Growing dissatisfaction with the government; above-half support for students. Belgrade: CRTA.

What the source records
After five months of protests, 59% of respondents continued to support students and protests, showing broad support that cannot be reduced to the core of opposition parties.
Claim it supports
The claim that poor visibility of criticism can make dissatisfaction invisible, and polls and mass gatherings can change people’s assessment of how many there are.
Source limitation
One poll does not measure the organizational capacity of the protest, nor does it predict whether support will produce institutional or electoral change.
Open source ↗
S04

Domestic NGOs analysis of the political crisis - Verified 21.08.2026

Belgrade Centre for Security Policy. 2025. Political and Institutional Crisis in Serbia: Possible Scenarios. Belgrade: BCSP.

What the source records
The analysis describes mass mobilization and growing repression, but concludes that the size of the protests does not alone address the issue of organization, choice and division within the government.
Claim it supports
The claim that poor visibility of criticism can make dissatisfaction invisible, and polls and mass gatherings can change people’s assessment of how many there are.
Source limitation
Scenario analysis is time-sensitive and does not predict the future; it is based on information available until November 2025.
Open source ↗

ABOUT US AND OUR METHODOLOGY

Many sources. Clear methodology. Verifiable answers.

AUTLAS is a public knowledge platform about how authoritarian systems work. It turns research findings into clear answers to the questions people ask when trying to understand elections, media, institutions, public resources, pressure, and everyday life in an authoritarian system.

01

Based on academic research

The answers are based on relevant academic research on authoritarian systems, democratic backsliding, institutional capture, and the narrowing of civic rights and freedoms. AUTLAS connects findings from scholarly articles, books, and comparative studies and presents them in language accessible to the wider public.

02

Practice documented in Serbia

AVtokratija is the Serbia case study within AUTLAS. It uses reports, analyses, and data from civil society organizations, independent institutions, professional associations, investigative media, and other relevant sources. General findings and evidence from Serbia are presented separately.

03

Sources open to scrutiny

Each answer lists the sources used. Visitors can check which research, data, and reports underpin the conclusions. The authors of the research and the organizations that collected the data remain clearly credited.

04

Why questions?

Knowledge about authoritarian systems is scattered across scholarly papers, books, databases, and reports. AUTLAS organizes it through 100 questions in 20 areas, so people can start with a phenomenon they recognize and understand the wider system to which it belongs.

05

Focus on the system, not on blaming people

Authoritarian systems change the rules, narrow the range of choices, raise the cost of refusal, and create the impression that nothing can change. AUTLAS therefore analyzes rules, incentives, pressures, and institutional mechanisms - rather than blaming people trying to live and work within such a system.

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Who is behind AUTLAS?

AUTLAS and AVtokratija were conceived and are being developed by Civic Initiatives. Civic Initiatives is the author and editor of the website and is responsible for topic selection, treatment of sources, and presentation. The content is updated and corrected in line with new research and reliable data.

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