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AUTHORITARIANISM - RESEARCH ATLASAVtokratija

How the authoritarian system works in Serbia

General research connected to documented examples, findings, and sources from Serbia.

100questions
20areas
148academic works
130Serbia sources
Go to the general AUTLASExplore general mechanisms of authoritarian systems without the Serbia evidence layer.

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AVtokratija›How the system changes public administration and public services
47
Research-based answerAUTLAS Research Base

How can a state efficiently monitor and punish while providing poor health care, education, and protection?

Confidence in the conclusionquite substantiated, with important conditions
key academic works5
linked Serbia sources6
Period201226

State competence is not a single feature. The government can invest a lot in the police, supervision, tax control and registers because these systems directly help it to see opponents, collect money and carry out the order.

Health, education and social protection, however, require professional independence, accurate bad news, cooperation of many institutions and equal treatment of a large number of people. If employees hide problems in order not to be punished, such services are difficult to learn and improve. That is why strong coercion can exist with poor public service. Poor hospital or school results do not prove a deliberate political decision, it is necessary to compare money, personnel, powers and the ability of different parts.

Example from SerbiaChecked connection 6 sources; waiting for saturation pass
6 related sources; Serbia records satellite pass not yet done

The state can be very capable where the political top priority is to collect data, impose a penalty, organize an event or implement a central decision and weak where the service requires expertise, local adjustment and open admission of error. In Serbia, this can be seen in the rapid introduction of the Social Card system and broad administrative control, as opposed to problems with the explanation of decisions, appeal and protection of the most vulnerable.

How the finding is separated in the matrix

01Established fact

A 11 documents the consequences and non-transparency of the Social Map, and reports on public administration record the gap between digitization and real responsibility, citizen involvement and quality of services. FemPlatz shows the gap between large budget competitions and the absence of funded services for women in violence, while ASTRA shows the same gap through the protection of 11 migrant workers at a politically important construction site.

02Our interpretation

Capacity is not one thing: the system can invest in what enhances inspection and control from above, while neglecting professional autonomy and feedback that would improve treatment, school or social protection.

03Does it show the same process?

Partially the example shows an uneven capacity, but the quality of different public services must be measured separately.

04Important caveat or alternative explanation

The digital system is not by definition a means of repression and can reduce errors. The problem arises when the criterion is hidden, the data is incorrect, and the citizen has no explanation, human verification and an effective remedy.

What the general answer does not allow us to conclude

Bad service does not prove that the authorities deliberately neglected it for supervision and punishment. It is necessary to compare money, people, tasks and results of different services.

Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.

A01

Development and verification of measurement methods

Hanson, J. K. i Sigman, R. (2021), „Leviathan’s Latent Dimensions: Measuring State Capacity for Comparative Political Research“, Journal of Politics 83(4): 1495–1510.

Contribution to this answer
Hanson and Sigman give an almost direct answer: state capability has different dimensions. The ability of the state to coerce and control is not the same as the ability of its administration to devise policies, regulate the economy, and provide public services so a strong apparatus of force does not prove that the rest of the state is equally capable.
Open source ↗
A02

review more research

Pepinsky, T. B., Pierskalla, J. H. i Sacks, A. (2017), „Bureaucracy and Service Delivery“, Annual Review of Political Science 20: 249–268.

Contribution to this answer
It shows how much the provision of health, education and other services depends on what is going on deep in the bureaucracy on the organization, the local context and the relationship of officials with citizens. These are completely different capacities than the ability of the state to find, supervise or punish someone.
Open source ↗
A03

review more research

Dahlström, C. i Lapuente, V. (2022), „Comparative Bureaucratic Politics“, Annual Review of Political Science 25: 43–63.

Contribution to this answer
Dahlstrm and Lapuente show that the way in which bureaucracy is made affects the economic development, corruption and quality of services. A politically very controlled apparatus therefore does not have to be an apparatus that is best organized for professional solving of citizens’ problems.
Open source ↗
A04

Explain how the system works

Wallace, J. (2022), Seeking Truth and Hiding Facts: Information, Ideology, and Authoritarianism in China, Oxford University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Wallace in China shows the paradox of a system that measures and controls its own state very much: numerical goals help the top to see and direct a huge administration, but at the same time encourage lower levels to “play” indicators and produce data that looks better than reality. The state can therefore have a lot of information and control, and yet have serious blind spots right where it needs accurate bad news.
Open source ↗
A05

comparing several countries or cases

Greitens, S. C. (2016), Dictators and Their Secret Police: Coercive Institutions and State Violence, Cambridge University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Greitens shows that the apparatus of coercion is being built towards a special political goal to protect the regime from rebellion and coup. Therefore, it is not unusual for the state to invest enormous organizational capacity in services that control and control people, without developing this ability in the same degree in schools, hospitals or social services.
Open source ↗

Sources supporting the Serbia example, with the claim they support and their limitations.

S01

Domestic NGOs monitoring of social rights - Verified 21.08.2026

Inicijativa A 11. 2025. Evropska komisija ponovo usvojila komentare Inicijative A 11: sporan algoritam Socijalne karte i druga kršenja socijalnih prava. Beograd: A 11.

Initiative A 11. 2025. The European Commission has again adopted the comments of Initiative A 11: the controversial algorithm of the Social Map and other violations of social rights. Belgrade: A 11.

What the source records
“A 11 states that nearly 60,000 people lost their aid in three years and points to a non-transparent algorithm, insufficient reasoning, and poor ability to appeal effectively.
Claim it supports
The claim that the state can quickly build the capacity for records and central decision, while remaining weak in the explanation, appeal and service to the adapted citizen.
Source limitation
The organization represents social rights and publication summarises its findings and comments of the European Commission; the number and causality should also be checked through official administrative data.
Open source ↗
S02

Regional NGO monitoring of public administration - Verified 21.08.2026

WeBER 2.0 / European Policy Centre. 2023. Western Balkan PAR Monitor 2021/2022. Belgrade: European Policy Centre.

WeBER 2.0 / European Policy Centre. 2023. Western Balkans PAR Monitor 2021/2022. Belgrade: European Policy Centre.

What the source records
For Serbia, there are persistent gaps between formal reform and the experience of citizens and officials, especially in employment, transparency and accountability.
Claim it supports
The claim that the state can quickly build the capacity for records and central decision, while remaining weak in the explanation, appeal and service to the adapted citizen.
Source limitation
The regional methodology gives a comparison, but does not explain every institution or every bad result with political pressure.
Open source ↗
S03

Official international monitoring - Verified 21.08.2026

European Commission. 2025. Serbia 2025 Report. Commission Staff Working Document. Brussels: European Commission.

What the source records
The report notes weak election conditions, limited parliamentary scrutiny, strong political pressure on the judiciary and concerns that the president is in practice directing decision-making beyond the constitutional idea.
Claim it supports
The claim that the state can quickly build the capacity for records and central decision, while remaining weak in the explanation, appeal and service to the adapted citizen.
Source limitation
The report is related to the EU accession process and describes a certain period; it does not represent a scientific causal study or a uniform assessment of the type of regime.
Open source ↗
S04

Legal study of the country - Verified 21.08.2026

Krstić, Ivana, i Marko Davinić. 2021. “Serbia: Legal Response to Covid-19.” U: The Oxford Compendium of National Legal Responses to Covid-19. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/law-occ19/law-occ19-e7

Krstić, Ivana, and Marko Davinić. 2021. “Serbia: Legal Response to Covid-19.” In: The Oxford Compendium of National Legal Responses to Covid-19. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/law-occ19/law-occ19-e7

What the source records
The study shows that urgent decisions in Serbia were made with a weak parliamentary role and more contentious issues of legality and proportionality.
Claim it supports
The claim that the state can quickly build the capacity for records and central decision, while remaining weak in the explanation, appeal and service to the adapted citizen.
Source limitation
Legal analysis assesses norms and procedures, but does not measure their social and political consequences.
Open source ↗
S05

Domestic NGOs public finance analysis - Verified 21.08.2026

FemPlatz. 2024. Analiza javnih konkursa za podršku projektima udruženja usmerenih na promociju, zaštitu i unapređenje rodne ravnopravnosti i sprečavanje nasilja prema ženama objavljenih tokom 2023. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

FemPlatz. 2024. Analysis of public competitions for support to projects of associations aimed at promotion, protection and improvement of gender equality and prevention of violence against women published during 2023. Pančevo: FemPlatz.

What the source records
Comparing the ability of the state to conduct and pay for large competitions with the absence of financed specialized services for women in a situation of violence.
Claim it supports
It supports the gap between the administrative ability to distribute money and the ability to ensure the protection of vulnerable citizens.
Source limitation
Desk analysis and four interviews accurately check the selected competitions, but do not prove that every funded association GONGO nor that every bad decision is politically motivated.
Open source ↗
S06

Domestic NGOs documented case study - Verified 21.08.2026

ASTRA. 2024. Neispričana priča 11 radnika žrtava trgovine ljudima u Srbiji. Beograd: ASTRA.

ASTRA. 2024. Untold story of 11 victims of human trafficking in Serbia. Belgrade: ASTRA.

What the source records
Compare the state’s ability to support a large investment project with a reaction or lack of reaction when serious violations of the rights of migrant workers occur.
Claim it supports
Supports the gap between the state’s capacity for the project and the capacity to protect vulnerable people in its shadow.
Source limitation
“It is a case collected in the short term before the departure of the workers; it shows what the privileged position of the investor may look like, but it does not prove the general state policy towards all investors.
Open source ↗

ABOUT US AND OUR METHODOLOGY

Many sources. Clear methodology. Verifiable answers.

AUTLAS is a public knowledge platform about how authoritarian systems work. It turns research findings into clear answers to the questions people ask when trying to understand elections, media, institutions, public resources, pressure, and everyday life in an authoritarian system.

01

Based on academic research

The answers are based on relevant academic research on authoritarian systems, democratic backsliding, institutional capture, and the narrowing of civic rights and freedoms. AUTLAS connects findings from scholarly articles, books, and comparative studies and presents them in language accessible to the wider public.

02

Practice documented in Serbia

AVtokratija is the Serbia case study within AUTLAS. It uses reports, analyses, and data from civil society organizations, independent institutions, professional associations, investigative media, and other relevant sources. General findings and evidence from Serbia are presented separately.

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Each answer lists the sources used. Visitors can check which research, data, and reports underpin the conclusions. The authors of the research and the organizations that collected the data remain clearly credited.

04

Why questions?

Knowledge about authoritarian systems is scattered across scholarly papers, books, databases, and reports. AUTLAS organizes it through 100 questions in 20 areas, so people can start with a phenomenon they recognize and understand the wider system to which it belongs.

05

Focus on the system, not on blaming people

Authoritarian systems change the rules, narrow the range of choices, raise the cost of refusal, and create the impression that nothing can change. AUTLAS therefore analyzes rules, incentives, pressures, and institutional mechanisms - rather than blaming people trying to live and work within such a system.

06

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