If someone supports a leader, does that mean they also support unlimited power?
No. A man can appreciate a leader’s results, feel personal or national closeness to him and sincerely want to remain in power, yet not support that leader’s right to control courts, media and elections. Support for politics, person and unlimited government are three different things.
In a polarized society, people sometimes accept breaking the rules because they are more afraid of the opposing side than of the concentration of power, but their attitude can change when the same tool hits their group. Therefore, general questions about “support for democracy” are not enough. We find out more when we ask whether the court can reverse the decision of the favorite leader, whether the opponent has the right to the media and whether the citizen would accept the electoral defeat of his side.
Someone can support the president because of his trip, pension, foreign policy or because he does not see a better alternative, and at the same time want fair elections, an independent court and limited government. Research in Serbia shows precisely such mixtures: people can appreciate a strong leader, and yet mostly say that they want democracy and institutions. The vote for power is therefore not a bleak consent to any abuse.
How the finding is separated in the matrix
Representative opinion polls record simultaneous support for the democratic order, dissatisfaction with institutions and contradictory views on strong leadership.
Political support is a package of different assessments, not a single ideology. The democratic border is measured by the position on the rules that apply and when ‘our’ candidate loses.
Yes the findings directly challenge the conclusion that support for a person automatically means support for unlimited authority.
The answers in the survey depend on the wording and the moment. I can not reliably predict how a person will act when the abstract democratic rule conflicts with the immediate political interest.
People in the polls often say that they support democracy because it is considered a desirable answer. We find out more when we ask them about the specific limitations of government.
Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.
research that checks more closely what the cause is
Buckley, N., Marquardt, K. L., Reuter, O. J. i Tertytchnaya, K. (2024), „Endogenous Popularity: How Perceptions of Support Affect the Popularity of Authoritarian Regimes“, American Political Science Review 118(2): 1046–1052.
- Contribution to this answer
- Buckley and the co-authors show that popularity alone can influence popularity: when people get the impression that the leader is supported by a large number of other citizens, a part of them start to evaluate him more positively. This shows that support for the leader is not only an assessment of his work, but it does not say whether the same people want him to have unlimited power.
analysis of surveys
Geddes, B. i Zaller, J. (1989), „Sources of Popular Support for Authoritarian Regimes“, American Journal of Political Science 33(2): 319–347.
- Contribution to this answer
- Geddes and Zaller show that support for authoritarian government can be real, not just extorted by fear: the information that citizens are exposed to and their ability to accept these messages or critically evaluate them affects support for the regime. But this work does not ask where these same citizens want to set the boundaries of government.
comparing several countries or cases
Dukalskis, A. i Gerschewski, J. (2017), „What Autocracies Say (and What Citizens Hear): Proposing Four Mechanisms of Autocratic Legitimation“, Contemporary Politics 23(3): 251–268.
Dukalskis, A. i Gerschewski, J. (2017), "What Autocracies Say (and What Citizens Hear): Proposing Four Mechanisms of Autocratic Legitimation", Contemporary Politics 23(3): 251–268.
- Contribution to this answer
- Dukalskis and Gerschewski show how autocracy tries to convince people that they have the right to rule through results, ideas, political passivity or procedures. This is useful for understanding where support comes from, but the legitimacy of government and compliance with unlimited government are not the same thing.
joint analysis of results of many studies
Oser, J., Grinson, A., Boulianne, S. i Halperin, E. (2022), „How Political Efficacy Relates to Online and Offline Political Participation: A Multilevel Meta-analysis“, Political Communication 39(5): 607–633.
Oser, J., Grinson, A., Boulianne, S. i Halperin, E. (2022), "How Political Efficacy Relates to Online and Offline Political Participation: A Multilevel Meta-analysis", Political Communication 39(5): 607–633.
- Contribution to this answer
- Oser and co-authors show that people who are more likely to have political influence participate more often in politics. This is an important finding on political effectiveness, but it very poorly answers the question of whether sympathy for the leader implies acceptance of its unlimited power.
data from a large number of countries
Neundorf, A., Nazrullaeva, E., Northmore-Ball, K., Tertytchnaya, K. i Kim, W. (2024), „Varieties of Indoctrination: The Politicization of Education and the Media around the World“, Perspectives on Politics 22(3): 771–798.
- Contribution to this answer
- Neundorf and co-authors show how education and the media can be politicized to shape political attitudes. This helps to understand how political beliefs arise, but does not directly separate support for a concrete leader from support for limiting or expanding his powers.
Sources supporting the Serbia example, with the claim they support and their limitations.
Domestic NGOs representative public opinion - Verified 21.08.2026
CRTA i Democracy Action Lab. 2026. Veruju u demokratiju, ne veruju u vlast: istraživanje javnog mnjenja u Srbiji. Beograd: CRTA.
CRTA and Democracy Action Lab. 2026. They believe in democracy, they do not believe in government: public opinion research in Serbia. Belgrade: CRTA.
- What the source records
- Six out of ten citizens consider democracy the best system, but the same share estimates that democracy in Serbia does not work; trust in the main political institutions is about one-third.
- Claim it supports
- “The claim that support for a leader can exist alongside a desire for democracy, fair rules and a restriction of power.
- Source limitation
- The survey measures attitudes at a time of great political mobilization and cannot explain on its own why people support different, sometimes contradictory values at the same time.
Domestic NGOs representative public opinion - Verified 21.08.2026
CRTA. 2025. Raste nezadovoljstvo vlašću; natpolovična podrška studentima. Beograd: CRTA.
CRTA. 2025. Growing dissatisfaction with the government; above-half support for students. Belgrade: CRTA.
- What the source records
- After five months of protests, 59% of respondents continued to support students and protests, showing broad support that cannot be reduced to the core of opposition parties.
- Claim it supports
- “The claim that support for a leader can exist alongside a desire for democracy, fair rules and a restriction of power.
- Source limitation
- One poll does not measure the organizational capacity of the protest, nor does it predict whether support will produce institutional or electoral change.
International scientific base and report - Verified 21.08.2026
Nord, Marina, David Altman, Tiago Fernandes, Ana Good God, i Staffan I. Lindberg. 2026. Democracy Report 2026: Unraveling the Democratic Era? University of Gothenburg: V-Dem Institute, dataset v16.
- What the source records
- Regimes of the World measure ranks Serbia 2025 as an electoral autocracy and records an ongoing episode of autocracy.
- Claim it supports
- “The claim that support for a leader can exist alongside a desire for democracy, fair rules and a restriction of power.
- Source limitation
- Categories depend on thresholds and expert assessments; the report itself warns of measurable uncertainty, and RoW typology is not the official position of V-Dem project management bodies.
Reviewed scientific work - Verified 21.08.2026
Stojiljković, Zoran, i Dušan Spasojević. 2018. “Populistički Zeitgeist u ‘proevropskoj’ Srbiji.” Politička misao 55(3): 104–128. https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.04
Stojiljković, Zoran, and Dušan Spasojević. 2018. “Populist Zeitgeist in ‘Pro-European’ Serbia.” Political Thought 55(3): 104–128. https://doi.org/10.20901/pm.55.3.04
- What the source records
- The paper shows that populism in Serbia has several forms and can be merged with a broad, ideologically expansive party.
- Claim it supports
- “The claim that support for a leader can exist alongside a desire for democracy, fair rules and a restriction of power.
- Source limitation
- He studies populism and parties, and does not independently prove that the political system is authoritarian.
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