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AUTHORITARIANISM - RESEARCH ATLASAVtokratija

How the authoritarian system works in Serbia

General research connected to documented examples, findings, and sources from Serbia.

100questions
20areas
148academic works
130Serbia sources
Go to the general AUTLASExplore general mechanisms of authoritarian systems without the Serbia evidence layer.

SIX ENTRIES INTO THE MATRIX

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AVtokratija›How the system punishes and intimidates without open violence
79
Research-based answerAUTLAS Research Base

How can an organization be suffocated by inspections, costs, and smears without being formally banned?

Confidence in the conclusionwell substantiated
key academic works5
linked Serbia sources4
Period201226

The organization can be practically shut down by making its work constantly more expensive, slower and risky, although the ban has never been imposed. Frequent inspections, vague reports, funding restrictions, frozen accounts, expensive court proceedings, the loss of space and the label of “traitors” spend money and time and distract members, donors and partners.

The management then chooses between the basic program and everyday survival, while the government claims that the organization still exists freely. The rules on money and accountability can legitimately protect the public, so the very existence of control is not a problem. Political asphyxiation shows their selective and frequent application, disproportionate punishment, weak possibility of appeal and joint effect of several measures aimed specifically at critical organizations.

Example from SerbiaChecked connection 4 sources; waiting for saturation pass
4 related sources; Serbia not yet logged on Saturation Pass

The organization does not have to be banned in order to stop working. It is enough to constantly respond to inspections and requests, pay lawyers, defend itself against lawsuits, lose space and donors or have its employees suffer public targeting. In Serbia, critical NGOs and media recorded smear campaigns, extraordinary controls and administrative burdens that spend the time needed for their basic work.

How the finding is separated in the matrix

01Established fact

Civic initiatives, NUNS, YUCOM and international monitoring record selective administrative pressures, SLAPP procedures, threats and financial vulnerability of critical organizations.

02Our interpretation

Administrative asphyxiation is effective because each action can have a legal name, while the cumulative cost weakens the organization without a politically expensive act of prohibition.

03Does it show the same process?

Yes the form is documented, with the need to check each procedure separately.

04Important caveat or alternative explanation

Organizations must comply with tax, labour and other regulations. Proof of abuse is selective, frequent or disproportionate treatment associated with critical work, not the fact of control itself.

What the general answer does not allow us to conclude

Financial and reporting rules can really protect the public. The problem is shown by unequal implementation, excessive punishment, poor legal protection and a common burden of all measures.

Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.

A01

review more research

Rutzen, D. (2015), „Authoritarianism Goes Global (II): Civil Society Under Assault“, Journal of Democracy 26(4): 28–39.

Contribution to this answer
Rutzen shows how the space for civil society can be narrowed without banning all organizations: the government introduces increasingly expensive rules on registration, foreign financing and special statuses such as “foreign agent”. The organization still formally exists, but every part of its work becomes more difficult, risky and politically suspicious.
Open source ↗
A02

review more research

Toepler, S., Zimmer, A., Fröhlich, C. i Obuch, K. (2020), „The Changing Space for NGOs: Civil Society in Authoritarian and Hybrid Regimes“, VOLUNTAS 31: 649–662.

Contribution to this answer
Toepler and co-authors show that the government can combine restrictions with selective cooperation: politically demanding organizations increase costs and narrow the space, while giving more appropriate groups money, access and legitimacy. Thus, civil society is changing without a general ban.
Open source ↗
A03

review more research

Earl, J. (2003), „Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression“, Sociological Theory 21(1): 44–68.

Contribution to this answer
Earl is particularly useful here because it shows that a repressive measure does not have to look like a police action: taxes, legal rules, administrative obstacles and other indirect instruments can severely limit the movement's ability to act.
Open source ↗
A04

comparing several countries or cases

Schleutker, E. (2021), „Co-optation and Repression of Religion in Authoritarian Regimes“, Politics and Religion 14(2): 209–240.

Contribution to this answer
Schleutker shows the same logic on religious organizations: the government can include and reward one group, and restrict and punish others. For inspections and administrative exhaustion is not the most direct work, but it shows well that repression and co-optation can work together.
Open source ↗
A05

Explain how the system works

Ritter, E. H. i Conrad, C. R. (2016), „Preventing and Responding to Dissent: The Observational Challenges of Explaining Strategic Repression“, American Political Science Review 110(1): 85–99.

Contribution to this answer
Ritter and Conrad are here more theoretical fences: they show that the state can act preventively and raise the cost of organizing before an open protest arises. They do not study concrete inspections, tax controls or smear campaigns against organizations.
Open source ↗

Sources supporting the Serbia example, with the claim they support and their limitations.

S01

Domestic NGO monitoring of civic space - Verified 21.08.2026

Građanske inicijative. 2025. Udruženja građana — sužavanje prostora za delovanje 2024. Beograd: Građanske inicijative.

Civic Initiatives. 2025. Citizens’ Associations narrowing the space for action 2024. Belgrade: Civic Initiatives.

What the source records
Based on the standardized regional matrix and bi-weekly reports, 234 cases of violations of fundamental rights and freedoms were registered, with an increase in physical and verbal attacks and other pressures compared to the previous year.
Claim it supports
Claim that inspections, lawsuits, costs and smear campaigns can exhaust the organization without a formal act of prohibition.
Source limitation
The records include documented and reported cases, and not a representative rate of all incidents in Serbia, while the organization at the same time has a clear role of protecting the civil space.
Open source ↗
S02

Domestic journalistic association monitoring of attacks - Verified 21.08.2026

Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS). 2026. NUNS retrospektiva 2025: godina u kojoj je pritisak postao sistem. Beograd: NUNS.

Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (NUNS). 2026. NUNS retrospective 2025: the year in which pressure became a system. Belgrade: NUNS.

What the source records
NUNS recorded 371 cases, including 113 physical attacks and 165 threats, along with legal, economic and digital forms of pressure.
Claim it supports
Claim that inspections, lawsuits, costs and smear campaigns can exhaust the organization without a formal act of prohibition.
Source limitation
The register depends on the reported and documented cases, it can overlap with other databases and does not measure the experience of every journalist.
Open source ↗
S03

Domestic NGOs annual report of legal aid - Verified 21.08.2026

Komitet pravnika za ljudska prava — YUCOM. 2024. YUCOM 2022–2024, godišnji izveštaj br. 11–12. Beograd: YUCOM.

Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights YUCOM. 2024. YUCOM 202224, annual report No. 11. Belgrade: YUCOM.

What the source records
The report documents the gap between judicial reforms and citizens’ experience, the pressure on independence and the obstacles for vulnerable groups to receive effective legal protection.
Claim it supports
Claim that inspections, lawsuits, costs and smear campaigns can exhaust the organization without a formal act of prohibition.
Source limitation
It is the report of the organization that provides legal aid and advocates reforms; the choice of cases is not representative for all courts and all disputes.
Open source ↗
S04

Official international monitoring - Verified 21.08.2026

European Commission. 2025. Serbia 2025 Report. Commission Staff Working Document. Brussels: European Commission.

What the source records
The report notes weak election conditions, limited parliamentary scrutiny, strong political pressure on the judiciary and concerns that the president is in practice directing decision-making beyond the constitutional idea.
Claim it supports
Claim that inspections, lawsuits, costs and smear campaigns can exhaust the organization without a formal act of prohibition.
Source limitation
The report is related to the EU accession process and describes a certain period; it does not represent a scientific causal study or a uniform assessment of the type of regime.
Open source ↗

ABOUT US AND OUR METHODOLOGY

Many sources. Clear methodology. Verifiable answers.

AUTLAS is a public knowledge platform about how authoritarian systems work. It turns research findings into clear answers to the questions people ask when trying to understand elections, media, institutions, public resources, pressure, and everyday life in an authoritarian system.

01

Based on academic research

The answers are based on relevant academic research on authoritarian systems, democratic backsliding, institutional capture, and the narrowing of civic rights and freedoms. AUTLAS connects findings from scholarly articles, books, and comparative studies and presents them in language accessible to the wider public.

02

Practice documented in Serbia

AVtokratija is the Serbia case study within AUTLAS. It uses reports, analyses, and data from civil society organizations, independent institutions, professional associations, investigative media, and other relevant sources. General findings and evidence from Serbia are presented separately.

03

Sources open to scrutiny

Each answer lists the sources used. Visitors can check which research, data, and reports underpin the conclusions. The authors of the research and the organizations that collected the data remain clearly credited.

04

Why questions?

Knowledge about authoritarian systems is scattered across scholarly papers, books, databases, and reports. AUTLAS organizes it through 100 questions in 20 areas, so people can start with a phenomenon they recognize and understand the wider system to which it belongs.

05

Focus on the system, not on blaming people

Authoritarian systems change the rules, narrow the range of choices, raise the cost of refusal, and create the impression that nothing can change. AUTLAS therefore analyzes rules, incentives, pressures, and institutional mechanisms - rather than blaming people trying to live and work within such a system.

06

Who is behind AUTLAS?

AUTLAS and AVtokratija were conceived and are being developed by Civic Initiatives. Civic Initiatives is the author and editor of the website and is responsible for topic selection, treatment of sources, and presentation. The content is updated and corrected in line with new research and reliable data.

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