How does the police stop protecting all citizens and begin primarily protecting those in power?
The police ceases to be the service of all citizens when they no longer treat the same behavior according to the same rule. Protest supporters of the government can be protected or ignored, while critics are legitimized, monitored, detained or exposed to force.
Change is built through the choice of managers, advancement by loyalty, political lists, selective orders and impunity of officials who exceed the authority against “wrong” people. The authorities can also use private security, party activists or criminal groups to make the pressure look like a private conflict and to make the denial of responsibility easier. That is why the politicization of the police is not proven by one incident, but by a repeated pattern of different protections.
The police must formally protect citizens, protesters, journalists and officials equally. In practice, reports from Serbia record cases in which the force towards the protesters was disputed, attacks on journalists are not quickly clarified or police powers are used towards critical activists. When protection and investigation differ according to political closeness, the police cease to be a joint service and become a protective belt of power.
How the finding is separated in the matrix
BCHR, NUNS, Amnesty and BCSP note patterns of unequal protection, allegations of excessive force, digital surveillance and weak accountability in politically sensitive cases. In addition, FemPlatz records the 48 most serious incidents against 71 women at protests, among them police physical violence and arbitrary arrests; the base is not complete.
The transition is not measured by the police, but by the behavior of: who is being prevented, who is being protected, whose reports are being investigated and whether the same rules apply to supporters and opponents of the government.
To a significant extent multiple sources document politically sensitive inequality, but each individual decision requires a special check.
The police perform a large number of legal and non-political tasks on a daily basis. Criticism of systemic incentive and command responsibility is not an accusation against every police officer.
The connection of the authorities with private or criminal perpetrators is deliberately hidden. At the same time, violence is not enough without evidence of agreement, assistance or impunity.
Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.
review more research
Davenport, C. (2007), „State Repression and Political Order“, Annual Review of Political Science 10: 1–23.
- Contribution to this answer
- Davenport shows that the state directs repression towards the political threat it sees, so that police and other coercive power can be used selectively towards groups that the government considers dangerous, not equal to all citizens.
review more research
Earl, J. (2003), „Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression“, Sociological Theory 21(1): 44–68.
- Contribution to this answer
- Earl shows that repression involves much more than police violence: legal, administrative and economic measures can also limit political action. The work is wider than authoritarian police work, but it helps to see the repertoire of control.
Explain how the system works
Ritter, E. H. i Conrad, C. R. (2016), „Preventing and Responding to Dissent: The Observational Challenges of Explaining Strategic Repression“, American Political Science Review 110(1): 85–99.
- Contribution to this answer
- Ritter and Conrad show that the government reacts strategically to dissent and that part of the repression is pre-emptive, before the protest becomes visible. This means that the coercion apparatus can protect the political order even without the constant visible violence.
Study of Serbia
Petrović, V. (2026), „Under Pressure: The Politics of Clientelism and Coercion in Serbia“, Democratization.
Petrović, V. (2026), “Under Pressure: The Politics of Clientelism and Coercion in Serbia”, Democratization.
- Contribution to this answer
- Petrović shows how political dependence and pressure can permeate everyday relations with the state in Serbia. For the police, work is indirect, but it gives a domestic context in which access to state resources is not politically neutral.
comparing several countries or cases
González, Y. M. (2020), Authoritarian Police in Democracy: Contested Security in Latin America, Cambridge University Press.
- Contribution to this answer
- González directly shows how the police can keep authoritarian patterns of work even in a democratic environment, when the political interests and institutional autonomy of the police are stronger than responsibility to all citizens.
Sources supporting the Serbia example, with the claim they support and their limitations.
Domestic NGOs research report - Verified 21.08.2026
Đokić, Katarina, Saša Đorđević, Marija Ignjatijević, Jelena Pejić Nikić i Predrag Petrović. 2020. Security Sector Capture in Serbia – An Early Study. Beograd: Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku.
okić, Katarina, Saša orđević, Marija Ignjatijević, Jelena Pejić Nikić and Predrag Petrović. 2020. Security Sector Capture in Serbia An Early Study. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.
- What the source records
- The study links a greater number of cases of both primary and secondary sources to show patterns of political control, weakening surveillance and use of security institutions in the interest of the ruling structure.
- Claim it supports
- Provides a systematic analysis of the political takeover of the police, instead of the conclusion from a single incident.
- Source limitation
- Authors expressly present it as an early and sectoral study; it does not measure each institution or prove that each individual procedure is centrally ordered.
Domestic NGOs annual monitoring of human rights - Verified 21.08.2026
Beogradski centar za ljudska prava. 2026. Human Rights in Serbia 2025. Urednik Dušan Pokuševski. Beograd: Beogradski centar za ljudska prava.
Belgrade Centre for Human Rights. 2026. Human Rights in Serbia 2025. Editor Dušan Pokuševski. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Human Rights.
- What the source records
- The twenty-eighth annual report documents systemic pressures and violations of rights in 2025 and brings together data from institutions and sectoral organisations on the prosecution of protest participants and incidents towards journalists.
- Claim it supports
- Record specific violations of rights and reactions of institutions in politically sensitive situations.
- Source limitation
- The report follows the rights and institutional treatment, not the type of regime; part of the numerical data is taken from state authorities and other organizations and should be read with their original records.
Domestic journalistic association monitoring of attacks - Verified 21.08.2026
Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS). 2026. NUNS retrospektiva 2025: godina u kojoj je pritisak postao sistem. Beograd: NUNS.
Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (NUNS). 2026. NUNS retrospective 2025: the year in which pressure became a system. Belgrade: NUNS.
- What the source records
- NUNS recorded 371 cases, including 113 physical attacks and 165 threats, along with legal, economic and digital forms of pressure.
- Claim it supports
- The record of attacks on journalists shows the problem of unequal protection and impunity.
- Source limitation
- The register depends on the reported and documented cases, it can overlap with other databases and does not measure the experience of every journalist.
International Organization for Human Rights Forensic Research - Verified 21.08.2026
Amnesty International. 2024. A Digital Prison: Surveillance and the Suppression of Civil Society in Serbia. London: Amnesty International.
- What the source records
- The report documents cases of unlocking phones and installing spyware during police or security conversations, as well as consequences for civil society.
- Claim it supports
- Document the analyzed cases in which police or security powers have been used according to critical actors.
- Source limitation
- Forensic findings are strong for the analyzed devices, but the number of cases is not a measure of distribution in the entire population; the authorities have disputed the allegations of illegal work.
Domestic NGOs exploratory qualitative research - Verified 21.08.2026
FemPlatz. 2025. Između megafona i tišine: žene u borbi za promene. Pančevo: FemPlatz.
FemPlatz. 2025. Between megaphone and silence: women in the fight for change. Pančevo: FemPlatz.
- What the source records
- The database of incidents records police physical violence, arbitrary detentions and gender-specific forms of humiliation towards women at the protests.
- Claim it supports
- Provides documented cases in which police authorities do not act as protective of protesters.
- Source limitation
- The sample is not representative, the research is exploratory, and the database of incidents is not intentionally complete; the findings show patterns and experiences, not their frequency in the entire population.
Reviewed scientific work - Verified 21.08.2026
Petrović, Valentina. 2025. “Under Pressure: The Politics of Clientelism and Coercion in Serbia.” Democratization, online first: 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2025.2520349
Petrović, Valentina. 2025. “Under Pressure: The Politics of Clientelism and Coercion in Serbia.” Democratization, online first: 126. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2025.2520349
- What the source records
- Shows how coercion differs according to the political, work and economic position of citizens.
- Claim it supports
- Supports a key test of selectivity: the institution ceases to protect equally when political affiliation and dependence change treatment and risk.
- Source limitation
- The survey is not a specific investigation of police actions.
Domestic think tank analysis of a protest cycle - Viewed full report, summary and description of events
Đorđević, Saša. 2020. Spontani protest i postupanje policije. Beograd: Beogradski centar za bezbednosnu politiku.
orđević, Saša. 2020. Spontaneous protest and police conduct. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.
- What the source records
- Document police force towards non-violent citizens and journalists with the violence of acts of protesters and injured police officers.
- Claim it supports
- Shows a selective and disproportionate application of force to be distinguished from a legitimate reaction to an actual attack.
- Source limitation
- One protest does not prove a permanent pattern without other cycles and investigations.
Domestic Center for Human Rights Analysis of Cases and Evidence - Viewed full report, documented chronology and listed items
Ilić, Vladica, Sanja Radivojević i Luka Mihajlović. 2021. Istrage slučajeva policijskog zlostavljanja na julskim građanskim protestima 2020. godine. Beograd: Beogradski centar za ljudska prava.
Ilić, Vladica, Sanja Radivojević and Luka Mihajlović. 2021. Investigations of cases of police abuse at July 2020 civil protests. Belgrade: Belgrade Centre for Human Rights.
- What the source records
- Through reports and files, it shows unidentified police officers, missed evidence and checks related to the suspects’ units.
- Claim it supports
- Supports the second part of the form: when officials are protected by anonymity and weak investigation, the protection of the authorities may have less consequences than the protection of citizens’ rights.
- Source limitation
- The analysis is related to July 2020 and the submitted applications are not verdicts.
Official international contractual monitoring of human rights - Viewed full adopted document, especially points 2627 and 4043
United Nations Human Rights Committee. 2024. Concluding Observations on the Fourth Periodic Report of Serbia. CCPR/C/SRB/CO/4, 3 May 2024.
- What the source records
- The UN Committee notes excessive force against peaceful protesters and journalists, without criminal or disciplinary responsibility and reparations.
- Claim it supports
- Independently confirms the combination of different treatment and lack of responsibility that is central to the politicization of the police.
- Source limitation
- The findings are a systemic concern, not a judgment for every police officer.
International Organization for Human Rights annual monitoring - Official Earth Report 2025/26
Amnesty International. 2026. The State of the World’s Human Rights 2025/26 — Serbia.
- What the source records
- In the 2025 protests, he noted excessive force, intimidation and attacks by police and supporters of the ruling party.
- Claim it supports
- Expands the pattern to a new period and helps to test whether critics are being protected as well as other citizens.
- Source limitation
- Annual monitoring does not prove the agreement of the authorities with each private attacker.
International Field Inspection Council of Europe - Full official report, method, findings and response from the Government
European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT). 2024. Report to the Serbian Government on the Visit to Serbia from 21 to 30 March 2023. CPT/Inf (2024) 04.
- What the source records
- Field inspection finds repeated allegations of aggravated police abuse and weaknesses of investigations, with positive testimonies of acts of detainees.
- Claim it supports
- “It supports that the problem of accountability is not limited to political protests and allows for an important counter-check that action is not the same everywhere.
- Source limitation
- The focus is detention and suspect, so political selectivity is not directly measured.
Primary source finding of an independent state body - Full official report and section on police conduct
Zaštitnik građana Republike Srbije. 2022. Redovan godišnji izveštaj Zaštitnika građana za 2021. godinu.
Protector of Citizens of the Republic of Serbia. 2022. Regular Annual Report of the Protector of Citizens for 2021.
- What the source records
- The Protector has determined the violation of rights in a specific case and has documented that delays, recordings and identification marks affect liability.
- Claim it supports
- Gives primary evidence that illegality in the act has been established and that the documenting system can protect or expose the officer.
- Source limitation
- It does not confirm or conclude that the entire police force is primarily protecting the government.
Reviewed review paper domestic institutional analysis - Viewed full work, method, findings and bibliographic record
Mitrović, Sava, i Milica Škorić. 2022. „Reforma sektora bezbednosti u Srbiji: dometi i ograničenja demokratskog upravljanja policijom.” Politička revija 73(3): 143–165. https://doi.org/10.22182/pr.7332022.7
Mitrović, Sava, and Milica Škorić. 2022. “Reform of the Security Sector in Serbia: Scopes and Limitations of Democratic Governance of Police.” Political Review 73(3): 143–165. https://doi.org/10.22182/pr.7332022.7
- What the source records
- The review of the legal framework and practice records several cases of violations of rights, weak parliamentary oversight, limitations of independent bodies and shortcomings of internal control.
- Claim it supports
- Provides wider domestic evidence that unequal or illegal treatment becomes a systemic problem when control and transparency do not produce timely correction.
- Source limitation
- Synthesis does not encode every police intervention or measure the rate of politically selective conduct.
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